Wayne Andersen, Marcel Duchamp: The Failed Messiah

Wayne Andersen, Marcel Duchamp: The Failed Messiah (Geneva: Éditions Fabriart, 2010)

This book is an insult to the intelligence of anyone who believes that Marcel Duchamp was an important and influential figure in the history of modern art in the early years of the 20th century. It’s subtitle-The Failed Messiah-tells you pretty much everything. While not technically an oxymoron, within this context, the words “failed” and “messiah” contradict one another, for by definition, a messiah is one who succeeds in his quest, and even Duchamp’s most ardent detractors would find it difficult to argue that he didn’t. Even the author of this book, Wayne Anderson-an 82-year-old retired professor of history and architecture at MIT (and also a doubtlessly disgruntled academic)-tells us that what Duchamp did to the history of art is comparable to the impact of the meteor that killed the dinosaurs. His use of the word “failed,” therefore, must apply specifically to his own personal point of view, for Andersen believes that the adulation accorded Duchamp by the art establishment is unjustified, blown far out of proportion to what he perceives are the artist’s actual accomplishments. Since Anderson’s myopic view is shared by preciously few, in writing this book he must have envisioned his own role as that of a messiah, someone who has valiantly stood up against all opposition to provide us with the correct path to aesthetic salvation, one that would have gone smoothly had Duchamp and his readymades not intervened.

Andersen’s greatest objection-and the reason he claims that motivated the writing of this book-is that Duchamp is increasingly identified as among the most important artists of the 20th century, and his urinal (titled Fountain) is repeatedly named the single most influential work of art made by any artist of the modern era (as confirmed by a survey of art professionals in England in 2004). He is most aggrieved by those who admire the urinal with the reverence accorded other great works of art. In a prologue to the book, Andersen declares Fountain and all copies of it a sham, in words that tellingly reflect his messianic theme: “Pilgrims by the daily hundreds come to one or the other of these shrines of modern art to contemplate with puzzlement and some in reverence this recumbent piece of plumbing as if it had closed down the Old and given rise to the New Testament of Art History.” The allusions to religion are not coincidental, for although I have no idea what faith Andersen practices (if any), his real objections to Duchamp are derived from a sense of moral superiority, especially when it comes to the subjects of eroticism and sex (themes that run, admittedly, through Duchamp’s work from start to end). In the introduction to his book, Andersen openly confesses his prudish beliefs. “With sexual freedom comes degradation, since morals of any kind are generated by the immoralities of sex, like valor by cowardness [sic] or honesty by cheating. Yet, the whole biological purpose of each species’ existence is to breed for the next generation. The moral brain cannot always hold up pants and panties when desires press downward to where bodies generate dirt and from there upward to pictures drawn and enacted by dirty minds.” That he was thinking of Duchamp comes a few pages later. “Duchamp was a vulgar man with a dirty mind,” he writes, “sexual, not sensuous.”

The issue of bodies generating dirt and excrement is something that comes up repeatedly in Andersen’s critique of the urinal, and it is abhorrent to him that some might equate these thoughts within the realm of aesthetics. He is especially revolted by the fact that when a urinal is used, it requires the exposure of a man’s penis, something he repeats on no fewer than on four separate occasions in his text. Here is one: “The beauty constant and concomitant sexual urges are universal. Is it merely coincidental that every man, on stepping up to a urinal, opens his fly and takes out his member?” In an effort to place the urinal in an art-historical context, he places it at the end of a lineage marked by fifty-year intervals that begins with Manet’s Olympia (1863), continues with Picasso’s Les Demoiselles d’Avignon (1907), and concludes with the urinal. (Although Duchamp’s Fountain was conceived of in 1917, it was not recognized for its importance within the art establishment until the 1960s, allowing him to place it some fifty years after Picasso’s Demoiselles.) This observation causes him to pose the following question:

How is it that modern art, from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century starts and finishes its first fifty-year phase with representations of women not for adoring and seducing or even raping but for just plain fucking? And ends its second fifty-year phase with a urinal pretending to be a fountain while asking to be pissed in. It is of course biological for a man to approach a urinal as if it were a woman. Each time he steps up to one, he open his fly and takes out his member.

There he goes again with the penis reference. But in making his point, it is worthwhile to ask why Andersen used the word “fucking,” when he could just as easily have used any other more socially acceptable euphemism for sexual intercourse? He finds Duchamp’s sexual puns vulgar and distasteful, so on the title page of the book (yes, on the title page), he issues the following warning to his readers: “This book was written for mature readers at an adult age. It contains words and expressions that are suppressed as obscene wherever English or French is spoken. And it includes quotations of texts by others that are pornography in both the original language and English translation.” Presumably, Andersen’s own words were not translated from anywhere, so what could be his excuse for resorting to such foul language?

In the end, what Andersen finds most objectionable is that the art establishment has accepted Duchamp as having made a legitimate contribution to its history, when he feels that the artist is an outright charlatan. At one point, he even stoops so low as to try making his own sexual pun by calling Duchamp a con artiste [cunt artist], having found the Etant donnés to be “one of the greatest domination assaults on a woman that art history has recorded.” Throughout the text, Andersen foolishly and quite naively states that the readymades are not art, and he takes us through what he must believe is a logical line of reasoning to dismiss them as such, constantly reminding readers that when a readymade is returned to the setting for which it was originally designed, it reverts back to the object that it was. No kidding! Of course it does, but that is precisely the point of these objects. Context is everything. Indeed, in the case of the readymades, when placed into a museum, it is their very raison d’être. What Andersen seems incapable of understanding is that the readymades are both things simultaneously: objects designed for a specific purpose and, when placed on display in a museum or art gallery, works of art. In a sense, they are conceptually akin an optical illusion, like the schematic drawing of a staircase, for example, that is comprised of steps that go up and down simultaneously. The problem is that our minds are limited in their capacity to see them going in both directions at the same time, but we are intelligent enough as human beings to know that they do. Apparently this simple concept is way over Andersen’s head. Either that or, if he understands it at all, he ignores the logic within it, for it does not facilitate his insistence that the readymades be dismissed as works of art.

In the introduction to his book, Andersen takes a swipe at university presses, many of which, we can be fairly safe in assuming, have rejected his manuscripts for publication. “Like mega-corporations in economics, academic presses control the trade,” he tells us, “five to ten university art editors with the power to determine what gets published.” The opinions of these highly qualified and informed individuals did little to deter Andersen, for he responded to their rejections by forming his own private printing press, a firm that goes by the name Editions Fabriart, which, on the copyright page of the Duchamp book is identified as an imprint of the consulting firm of Vesti Design. Only from the website for the publishing house (www.atlasbooks.com/marktplc/10215.htm) do we learn that Vesti Design is founded and owned by Wayne Andersen, and that Editions Fabriart publishes only the writings of one author: Wayne Andersen. Ostensibly, nothing is wrong with publishing your own writings (indeed, I plan to do so one day myself), but if not handled properly, the result can be an academic disaster, which is unquestionably the case with Andersen’s book on Duchamp. To begin with, academic presses employ a peer-review process, something that would have caught the countless regrettable errors contained in this book and, anyone familiar with the literature on Duchamp and Dada, would have cut out at least half of the 388 pages of insufferable text by pointing out the simple fact that most of it has been published elsewhere and, in most cases, in writings based on primary source material.1 Andersen is certainly driven in his quest to defame Duchamp, but, apparently, he is not sufficiently motivated to seek out and read the appropriate literature on the artist, and least not enough to make a significant contribution of his own. Even when he does consult the appropriate sources, they are usually only skimmed, causing him to miss important details that could-in some instances-even have bolstered his argument. Anderson tells us, for example, that it will be his purpose in this book to strip Duchamp bare, to “peel away at his mythical overlays until he becomes shiveringly naked… under his wrappings of adulation.” With this in mind, he delves into the Duchamp biography, using Calvin Tomkins’s excellent book on the artist as his primary guide. In his summary, Andersen tells us that Duchamp “produced no children” (p. 157), but Tomkins is among the first to publish the fact that, in 1911, Jeanne Serre, a model who appeared in several paintings by the artist from this period (one of which, The Bush, Andersen reproduces), gave birth to his only biological daughter, Yvonne. She was never formally recognized as his offspring, but in the late 1960s, he met and established a close relationship with her during the last years of his life. In my review of the Duchamp retrospective that took place at the Palazzo Grassi in Venice in 1993, I connect the birth of this illegitimate child to the theme of the unobtainable, which I postulate figures into the making of not only the Large Glass, but also the Etant donnés. This review was not published in an obscure periodical, but rather appeared seventeen years ago as a full-length article in the pages of Art in America. Somehow, Andersen managed to miss it.(2)

I realize that within the context of a book review, it is considered bad form to chastise an author for having failed to consult the reviewer’s publications, but I have devoted a good part of my scholarly career to writing not only about Duchamp, but also New York Dada. Whereas Andersen has read some of my writings on these subjects and even refers to them admiringly, they are mostly from anthologies, and he has missed the more important books, most notably my monograph on New York Dada (published in 1994) and the catalogue Making Mischief: Dada Invades New York (published in conjunction with an exhibition of the same name that I organized for the Whitney Museum of American Art in 1996).3 Had he known these publications, he might have spared us his excruciatingly painful indictment of Duchamp’s friends and associates-Beatrice Wood, Mina Loy, Arthur Cravan, Man Ray, the Baroness Elsa von Freytag Loringhoven-all of whom are given separate chapters in my book. Even here, Andersen displays a remarkable ignorance of the most current literature on his subject: he gives a biographical sketch of Mina Loy, without knowing that the definitive book on this remarkable woman was written by Carolyn Burke and published in 1996, nor when he discusses the Stettheimer sisters does he seem to know anything about the biography of Florine Stettheimer written by Barbara Bloemink and published in 1995.(4) He devotes an entire chapter to presenting what he believes is an original interpretation of Duchamp’s Large Glass by comparing it to a Rube Goldberg cartoon, which, he claims, is information repressed by Duchamp scholars. “I find no discussion or even mention of this cartoon in any academic essay devoted to a descriptive analysis of the New York Dada [magazine] texts or images,” he writes. In my own writings, I have discussed the Goldberg cartoon that appeared in New York Dada on at least two occasions: once when comparing it to the complex machinations of the Large Glass, and again when pointing out that the twisted pipes it contains mimes the circuitous route of New York Dada through various European capitals.(5) Andersen has clearly not done his homework; these are the sort of literary lacunae for which any conscientious professor of art history would fail his students.

It is known that Andersen published this book without requesting permission from the Duchamp Estate (or the agency that represents them: The Artists Rights Society, or ARS) to reproduce the works by Duchamp that it contains. Rather, it appears that he scanned the images from various published sources, without bothering to request permission from the authors or the publishers whose labors he so freely appropriates. If Andersen can adopt such a moral high ground in criticizing Duchamp, how is it that he can so blatantly violate issues of copyright? Maybe this is just one of many duplicitous positions taken by a man who, in his twilight years, wishes to seek revenge from the same sort of institutions that rejected him (if true, I would recommend he heed the advice of Confucius: “Before you embark on a journey of revenge,” he warned, “dig two graves”). It was the art establishment, after all, that also understood and embraced the contradictions that lie at the core of Duchamp’s work, a philosophical conundrum that is implicit to its meaning. I find myself in an equally complex dilemma in writing this review, for allowing its publication can only serve to draw more attention to a book that presents no legitimate justification for its existence. To ignore it, however, would seem the greater injustice. Andersen’s objections with Duchamp are shared by comparatively few, yet a number are more influential critics, writers who, like himself, believe that Duchamp has no rightful place in the history of 20th century art. These writings can only serve to inhibit a greater understanding of Duchamp and his work, preventing honest and otherwise diligent students from engaging the serious issues that are necessary to fully comprehend its importance and meaning. Refuting such a biased and highly restrictive point of view is-despite the consequences-a worthwhile endeavor.


Notes

1. The book is also filled with a plethora of typos and clerical errors. At one point, Andersen says that only he has read the text, which is regrettable, for even a casual reader would have caught mistakes in the sequence of footnotes that occur in several places (most notably in chapter 5, where the footnotes start to renumber themselves, a detail ignored where the footnotes themselves appear at the back of the book). This creates a real headache for serious scholars, but as I hope to demonstrate, it is indicative of the way in which the author so casually treats the literature he consults.

2. See Francis M. Naumann, “The Bachelor’s Quest,” Art in America 81/9 (September 1993), pp. 72-81, 67, 69

3.New York Dada 1915-23 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1994) and Making Mischief: Dada Invades New York (Whitney Museum of American Art, November 21, 1996 – February 23, 1997; catalogue distributed by Harry N. Abrams).

4. Carolyn Burke, Becoming Modern: The Life of Mina Loy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1996), and Barbara J. Bloemink, The Life and Art of Florine Stettheimer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).

5. New York Dada, p. 203, and Making Mischief, p. 20.




The Museum of Good Ideas

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Duchamp’s “underground” career — decades ostensibly away from the art world in pursuit of chess — is a touchstone for youthful artist Mark Bloch, who has taken the gameboard out of the underground and bck into the museum gallery in his recent series, Storage Museums. There’s an element of travel chess here too, not to mention the Museum in a Suitcase.




Re-evaluating the Art & Chess of Marcel Duchamp

Duchamp the Chess “Idiot”
Damisch: You remember Duchamp’s famous print of two chess players . . . [I was furious] that idiot, Duchamp! He just managed to get $2,000 off me for his Chess Association and in exchange he gave me this horrible etching of chess players. . . . [And he] said that Art no longer had any internal necessity; it was now a pure convention!(1)

In 1961 Marcel Duchamp organized an auction of artworks to raise funds for the American Chess Foundation and asked many of his contemporaries to contribute works. The ‘horrible etching’ which Damish purchased, a reproduction of his 1911 cubist painting The Portrait of Chess players (Fig.1), is part of a largely incommensurate aspect of Duchamp’s historical and artistic legacy: Chess. Damisch’s response to this work is like that of other art historians to his entire involvement in the game. Most commonly, Duchamp’s involvement in chess is expressed as incomprehensible, or simply ignored.(2)Click to EnlargePortrait of Chess PlayersFigure 1
Marcel Duchamp,
The Portrait of Chess Players, 1911

Popular historical representations tell that in 1923, after the completion of The Large Glass (Fig.2), he quit art to play chess.(3)
Nevertheless the connection between chess and Duchamp’s greater artistic agenda is fundamental to understanding him as an historical figure.

Damisch begins a critique on Duchamp as chess player, The Duchamp Defense, with an outline of his chess career, primarily to construct a ‘narrative’ of his achievements in the realm of chess.(4)
The reading of this is impressive. However, Damisch then poses the questions, how does such a narrative serve in attempting to understand Marcel Duchamp? What is the purpose of such a narrative? In developing an understanding of Duchamp, the artist, what is the purpose of understanding Duchamp the chess player? Damisch says that this narrative should not just be told for the love of a story but to establish the value chess was held by Duchamp.Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelorsfigure 2
Marcel Duchamp, Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelors, Even [a.k.a. The Large Glass], 1915-23, Philadelphia Museum of Art.

Above all is his belief that [Duchamp] was never more interested in chess than after he had ceased being interested in painting.(5)

This narrative shows that Duchamp’s involvement in chess was not a side-line interest but rather Duchamp’s dedication to chess was with “all the ambition and single minded passion of a professional.”(6)
Yet, as Damisch states, this passion that would dominate his time and intellect for over twenty years of his life “was no more than a game.”(7)
Thus if the aim is to understand his art work it has been common practice to dismiss such an investigation in Duchampian chess as an incongruous aspect of his life. Tomkins, who has written extensively on Duchamp, offers that,

Although chess claimed a great deal of the energy that had been formerly devoted to his Large Glass, the usual statement that he abandoned art for chess is misleading. In fact, one of the essential facts about it is that while he has successfully avoided playing the role of artist since 1923, he has never left the art world.(8)

Tomkins points out that the art world has used a blunt instrument to separate aspects of Duchamp’s life. The ‘quitting’ one activity and taking up of another is symptomatic of the way historical figures are commonly represented. Furthermore, historical methodology has placed restrictions upon how Duchamp has been investigated and subsequently represented. It is these assumptions of art historians that have led to the creation of a coherent art narrative of Duchamp’s life and work that has not allowed chess to disrupt or to inform it. Duchamp’s engagement in a variety of intellectual disciplines disrupts such a clear cut understanding of Duchamp as an artist. Such an approach restricts the historical and critical understanding of Duchamp by considering his activities outside the paradigm of art, as peculiar, inconsistent and irrelevant. As ‘an-Artist’ Duchamp allowed diverse and distinctly different institutions to converge, to interrelate, informing a complex philosophical understanding of art and the intellectual milieu in which he was living.


The Histories of Marcel Duchamp as Chess Player

. . . comparatively little has been written about Duchamp’s chess as a form of artistic activity, how it relates to his other artistic interests, and what it reveals about his attitude to art in general. A few writers have commented on these matters, but their views tend to be underdeveloped and are often highly speculative. Roger Cardinal summed it up when he remarked that “nobody has entirely assessed the significance of chess in Duchamp’s career.”(9)

When attempting to address the nature of chess in the life of Marcel Duchamp one is met with many contradictions. Even from within chess there is debate over Duchamp’s approach to the game and has also failed to bridge the theoretical distance in an attempt to reflect upon his art. Theorists have attempted to determine Duchamp’s playing style through a comparison of the complexities in conservative Classical chess play and Avant-garde Hypermodernism. Yet, due to misunderstandings concerning Hypermodernism in chess and of Dada in art, we will see how some, like Keene, Humble & Le Lionnais, have drawn various conclusions about Duchamp the chess player.

It is tempting for the art historians, like Arturo Schwarz, to adopt a systematic approach when writing about Marcel Duchamp and to create a theory through which all of his work can be seen. However one must be wary of theories that claim to unlock the system or pattern behind Duchamp’s work. For such dominant or meta theories have greatly affected how aspects of Duchamp’s life and works are understood. Francis Naumann in his article titled “Marcel Duchamp: A Reconciliation of Opposites,” warns that any attempt to formulate Duchamp “would be – in the humble opinion of the present author – an entirely futile endeavor .“(10)Francis Naumann suggests that Duchamp gave his response to those attempting to unlock the mystery when he said “There is no solution, because there is no problem.” In understanding the nature, role and significance of Duchampian chess, one needs to see beyond the problem / solution dilemma and operate at a different cognitive level involving multiplicity and complexity. This thesis aims to demonstrate a multiplicity of the complex relationships between Duchamp as artist and as chess player. The importance for this approach, as Naumann states, is that Duchamp himself moved through a number of contemporary artistic styles and each time developed a unique approach of self consciously “defying convenient categorization.”(11)To support this claim Naumann offers a collection of quotations by Duchamp from a 1956 interview with James Sweeney emphasizing the importance of change and the defiance in his work to any tradition or “taste.”

‘It was always the idea of changing,’ he later explained, of ‘not repeating myself.’ ‘Repeat the same thing long enough,’ he told an interviewer, ‘and it becomes taste,’ a qualitative judgment he had repeatedly identified as ‘the enemy of Art,’ that is, as he put it, art with a capital A. (12)

Humble asserts that published views on Duchamp’s chess as art are “underdeveloped and often highly speculative is, he suggests, due to the reason that nobody is entirely sure how to understand or to define chess itself. Humble muses that chess players themselves debate whether chess is a game, sport, science, or art.

With this being said, the mystery of chess in the life of Marcel Duchamp is a subject that has often been approached in a formulaic manner. Questions like; “What type of player was Duchamp?,” “What was the role of chess in his life?,” and “What is the relationship between chess and art?” have been presented in a simplistic and minimalistic fashion. One example of this is an article by grand master and chess theoretician Raymond Keene titled Marcel Duchamp: The Chess Mind. In this article Keene discusses Duchamp’s achievements, his associations, his theoretical positions, and attempts to establish a relationship between art and chess. Primarily his analysis focuses upon the nature of Hypermodernist chess praxis and the dada art movement. Keene seeks to show that Duchamp as well as being a Dadaist, was also a hypermodernist chess player and thereby establish that the relationship between chess and art is dada. In this way, Hypermodernism is often equated with dada, yet the similarities have more to do with the look and feel of the game rather than theory. In comparison to Classical or Modern games hypermodernism seems absurd and illogical.(13)

Keene’s theoretical analysis of Duchamp’s chess play dismissed comments made by a chess player and dadaist contemporary of Duchamp’s, Francis Le Lionnais. Le Lionnais defeated Duchamp in 1932 in Paris, and later stated that Duchamp was not a dada chess player, but a player who adopted a conventional, conformist, or classical style of play.(14)
To counter this claim, Keene looks closely at the influence and the similarities between Duchamp and the founder of hypermodernism, Grand master Aaron Nimzowitsch. Keene asserts that Duchamp borrowed a Nimzowitsch opening for the 1927 world Championship. Keene’s theories concerning the relationship between chess and art are convincing. Keene argues that the tactical talent displayed in his love for “paradoxical hidden points” is fundamentally Dada. Keene mirrors Duchamp’s comments that chess was a “violent sport” with that of Nimzowitsch who said “chess was a struggle like that of life.”(15)
Further, Keene shows Duchamp’s continuing dedication to Nimzowitsch. In the course of his research Keene visited Teene Duchamp, Marcel Duchamp’s wife, and found a copy of Nimzowitsch’s Chess Praxis that Duchamp had hand written (over 200 pages).

Keene demonstrates the associations between Duchamp and Nimzowitsch and dispels the comments made by Le Lionnais. Keene establishes a close association between Duchamp and Nimzowitsch, arguing that Nimzowitsch was a hypermodernist and therefore that Marcel Duchamp was one also. Keene’s conclusion is not far off, yet, it maintains an understanding of Hypermodernism that is misleading. Keene adopts a very clear theoretical methodology of forming binary opposites. His use of opposites, or opposition, is essential for the creation of a distinction between classical and hypermodern chess. Yet this position implies a conflict between the two styles of chess play that is not necessarily true. One of the intrinsic characteristics of Hypermodernism is its connectedness with the movement it surpassed.

The relationship does lie in the realms of Hypermodernism and Dada and yet it goes much further, as Duchamp goes further than Dada. Thus, Keene’s whole approach to find the solution to the problem of Duchampian chess is mistaken.

An interview between Ralph Rumney and Francois Le Lionnais was the catalyst for this thesis and investigation. I set out to determine which one of the theorists was correct, and it was not until I reconsidered my methodology that an alternative conclusion could be reached. Ralph Rumney has just asked Le Lionnais to describe Duchamp’s qualities as a player,

FRANCOIS LE LIONNAIS I don’t know how well I can do that . . . in his style of play I saw no trace of . . . a Dada or anarchist style though this is perfectly possible. To bring Dada ideas to chess one would have to be a chess genius rather than a Dada genius. In my opinion Nimzowitsch, a great chess player was a Dadaist before Dada. But he knew nothing of Dada. He introduced an anticonformism of apparently stupid ideas which won. For me that’s real Dada. I don’t see this Dada aspect in Duchamp’s style. . . .

RALPH RUMNEY You say he was not a Dadaist as a chess player. . . but was he an innovator?

FRANCOIS LE LIONNAIS Absolutely not. He applied absolutely classic principles, he was strong on theory – he’d studied chess theory in books. He was very conformist which is an excellent way of playing. In chess conformism is much better than anarchy unless you are Nimzowitsch, a genius.

This exchange ends with Rumney posing a question:

It seems to me that the extremely conformist style of Duchamp’s chess which you describe has parallels in everything he did, and that perhaps instead of looking for evidence of Dada in the way he played chess we should be looking for aspects of this conformism in his most anti-conformist action? (16)

Le Lionnais, it would seem, contradicts Keene’s understanding of Duchamp’s chess. Instead of looking for conformity within Duchamp’s art, Keene refutes the very grounds for such an inquiry by stating that Duchamp was a Dadaist chess player and did not adopt a conformist or classical style. Yet even the investigation suggested by Rumney will bring us to a binary end. Lionnais claims to have seen no evidence of Duchamp’s Dadaist or hypermodernist chess play but instead a classical approach. Duchamp is either a conformist or a non- conformist artist, and Duchamp is either a conformist or non-conformist chess player. In the end this will not bring us to an understanding of Duchampian chess, but a series of binary oppositions. Keene reached this conclusion even though the original question was what sort of player was Duchamp? This investigation into Duchamp’s chess is met with two opposing views; he is either a Hypermodernist or a Classicist. The historian is being asked to determine whether Keene or Lionnais is correct.

The comparison between the chronological order of [my] paintings and a game of chess is absolutely right . . . But when will I administer checkmate – or will I be mated? (17)

Click to EnlargeThe Green Boxfigure 3
Marcel Duchamp, The Green Box, 1934
Duchamp dropped clues along his way as to how we are to understand chess. When Duchamp co-wrote a chess book on end-game with chess theorist Vitaly Halberstadt, he collected all of the notes that he made in preparation for the book’s publication and placed them all in a ‘box’. He titled this ‘box’ The box of 1932. What is significant about the act of Duchamp ‘boxing’ his proofs and diagrams, is that it identically reflects his act of ‘boxing’ all of the notes he made in preparation for his Large Glass. Duchamp titled this box The Green Box (Fig. 3), and used it to take the viewer into the world of the ‘bride’ and the ‘bachelors’ the two major aspects of the Large Glass. Thus the Box of 1932 is to L’Opposition et les cases conjuguees sont reconciliees as The Green Box is to the Large Glass. Duchamp did not make any indication that his theoretical work on chess was to be understood through the shattered glass of his Bride. It is through the multiple paradigms in which Duchamp was involved, that we are to understand and represent him as an historical figure. Duchamp as artist sharing the values of other paradigms and bringing what is seen as incommensurate into unity. Duchamp has offered an explanation as to how two apparently incommensurate elements are united through the concept of ‘inframince’ (Fig. 4).front cover for View, vol. 5, no. 1figure 4
Marcel Duchamp, front cover for View, vol. 5, no. 1 (March 1945)

WHEN
THE TABACCO SMOKE
SMELLS ALSO
OF THE MOUTH
THAT EXHALES IT THE TWO ODOURS
ARE MARRIED
INFRAMINCE.(18)

The smell of smoke and the mouth are distinct and separate entities, though through the act of smoking, the two odors are combined forming a ‘new thought.’(19)
Thus through inframince, art and chess are married in the life and work of Marcel Duchamp. The relationship between art and chess is very complex and multi layered, and is not able to be reduced to a meta theory or solved by dismissing Duchamp’s engagement with chess.

The many paradigms in which Duchamp ‘worked’ or ‘played’ need to be understood as blending within art, via this understanding of inframince, like that of the smoke mixing with another odor. This proposed historical methodology is not only relevant to Duchamp but to all historical figures. The various contradictory positions held by historians and theorists concerning Duchamp and his incommensurate activities can be understood by the history of art. Art is what is brought into existence via a series of established conventions and fulfils various criteria. Postmodernism offers a perspective that is able to bring together that which was an anomaly to modernist historical representation of Duchamp. It is through postmodernism that the ‘sub-systems’ that Duchamp was part of can be understood and can become part of his historical representations. Unity can be created through acknowledging the existence of these paradigms and the way in which Duchamp’s activities created ‘inframince’ with each other: art and chess, chess and art, chess and science, science and art. Duchamp is ‘found’ through an historical and theoretical methodology founded upon such postmodern multiplicity.

Chess and Art “reconciled”

It is important to make a connection between many of the theories of Nimzowitsch and that of Duchamp, in particular those of aesthetics and thought. Duchamp made many statements that his art was an intellectual activity and he was critical of what he termed ‘retinal’ art. This is similar to the criticism that the Hypermodern chess players had for the classical school: classical theories were based on (formalistic) aesthetics and not on the intellect or logic. Duchamp’s interest in the intellect went beyond the realms of chess and he wished for a similar intellectual direction to take place in art.

This is the direction in which art should turn: to an intellectual expression.(20)

There is a mental end implied when you look at the formation of the pieces on the board. The transformation of the visual aspect to the gray matter is what always happens in chess and what should happen in art.(21)

The observation that the words of Duchamp mirror those of Nimzowitsch have been made by a number of theorists. Some even go so far as to suggest that Duchamp’s Large Glass mirrors diagrams that Nimzowitsch used in his 1925 publication, which divided the chess board in two.(22)
This is not to suggest that the way to understand Duchamp’s art is through his chess, but it is helpful to break down the intellectual barriers that exist between art and chess thus forming a reconciliation of these two paradigms in the person Duchamp.

Click to EnlargeOpposition and Sister Squares are Reconciledfigure 5
Marcel Duchmap, Opposition and Sister Squares are Reconciled, 1932
In 1932, Duchamp, in collaboration with Vitaly Halberstadt, wrote a study on a specific end game situation titled L’Opposition et les cases conjuguees sont reconciliees (Opposition and Sister Squares Are Reconciled) (Fig. 5). Duchamp spoke of it as purely an intellectual study with no real practical application, for the situations being presented rarely came about.(23)
He said to Cabanne,

The endgames on which this fact turns are of no interest to any chess player: and that’s the funniest thing about it. Only three or four people in the world are interested in it, and they’re the ones who’ve tried the same lines of research as Halberstadt and myself. Since we wrote the book together, chess champions never read this book, because the problem it poses never really turns up more than once in a lifetime. These are possible endgame problems, but they’re so rare that they’re almost utopian.(24)

Duchamp called his work a “linguistic study,” which Damisch claims the Duchamp / Halberstadt text is built around the notion of ‘opposition.’(25)
Using the language from a number of paradigms, especially from aesthetics and philosophy, to explain scientific and mathematical foundations of his chess theories.

Duchamp’s and Halberstadt’s discussion in L’Opposition et les cases conjuguees sont reconciliees involve end-game problem, and their discussions are very much couched in geometrical language, involving ‘translation,’ ‘displacement,’ and ‘rotation’ around ‘charniere’ or ‘hinges.’ Charniere’ is the term that Duchamp used in his mathematical notes to mean an ‘axis o rotation.’(26)

Saussure directly uses the model of chess to introduce his oppositional theories of language. Damisch quotes from a small section where Saussure explains that it is only through words opposing one another that meaning is created;

a given term having . . . no value except through difference and through its opposition to the other terms in the language.(27)

And furthermore that the relationship between languages and chess is,

Just as the game of chess is entirely in the combination of the different chess pieces, language is characterized as a system based entirely on the opposition of its concrete units.(28)

Click to EnlargeTrébuchetFigure 6
Marcel Duchamp, Trébuchet, 1917/1964
The end game is fundamentally a stage of opposition, where the only pieces that remain are the two Kings and some pawns.(29)
Opposition is defined during the end game when symmetry is presented by the position of the Kings and pawns. The aspect of the end game that Duchamp and Halberstadt were concerned about was when a symmetry or a formalist structure arise and each player is struggling to keep equilibrium for survival. For there is security in symmetry during such situations because a player is able to restrict or control the moves available to the opponent. At the same time, due to the symmetry, a player may be forced into making a move that will cause their own defeat, otherwise known as a Trap or Trebuchet (the title of his 1917 Readymade) (Fig. 6).(30) In opposition there is a paradoxical element that interested both Duchamp and Nimzowitsch. Duchamp and Halberstadt’s book attempted to reconcile the two components of symmetrical endgame situations; opposition and sister squares. The squares represent the squares on the chess board that remain relevant to the chess pieces in symmetry. Hence the title of Duchamp’s book Opposition and Sister Squares Are Reconciled. The way that Duchamp explained it is as such,

The “opposition” is a system that allows you to do such – and – such a thing. The “sister squares” are the same thing as opposition, but it’s a more recent invention, which was given a different name. Naturally, the defenders of the old system were always wrangling with the defenders of the new one. I added “reconciled” because I had found a system that did away with antithesis.(31)

It is important to notice that within Duchamp’s study of endgames there is not an attempt to create further opposition by Duchamp positioning himself with one side or the other. Duchamp separates himself from the debates between the Classical school or “old system” and the hypermoderns. He was able to see that with hypermodernism there was an opportunity to create a synthesis between these two opposing understandings of end game theory. In so doing he displays a typically Hypermodern paradoxical attitude to classical theory.

Click to EnlargePoster for the Third French Chess ChampionshipFigure 7
Marcel Duchamp, Poster for the Third French Chess Championship, 1925 Rhonda Roland Shearer Collection
Let us take this one step further towards Duchamp ‘reconciling’ art and chess. Damisch makes the point that Duchamp’s chess poster designed for the 1925 Third French Chess Championship (Fig. 7) mirrored his theory of reconciliation. Duchamp extended the checkers of the chess board until they became cubes with one white, black and a third grey side, grey being the side of reconciliation. In the game of chess it is the opposition between black and white that gives the game its meaning. However, the ‘binary’ opposition of chess is defeated by Duchamp in the presence of the grey surfaces.(32)

Let us return to Naumann’s article and interview contained in De Duve’s The definitively unfinished Marcel Duchamp. Francis Naumann presents Duchamp’s involvement in philosophical ‘reconciliation’ in the context of the German philosopher Stirner and the philosophical beliefs of existentialism and nihilism: That each position or situation exists as a unique entity, thus unable to be located within specific systematic constraints. Naumann points out that reconciliation is not only found in the works of Stirner but has a philosophical tradition that goes back to Plato.(33)
More than that, ‘reconciliation’ is present in contemporary theories of structuralist theory, molecular biology, metaphysical poetry, and French symbolist poets. Thus this theme of ‘reconciliation of opposites’ is present in a number of intellectual domains. The theme is similarly reflected in writings since medieval times up until the time of Carl Jung who specifically wrote on the subject in Mysterium Coniunctionis: An Inquiry into the Separation and Synthesis of Psychic Opposites in Alchemy.(34)
Yet Naumann warns us that one must be careful in the creation of a theory about Duchamp, for he consciously set out never to repeat himself and thus be defined. Naumann says:

No matter what his sources may have been – if any – his exploration of opposites and their reconciliation seems to have been motivated more by his unwillingness to repeat himself than by any possible willingness to conform to the dictates of a previously established system – philosophical, literary – or otherwise. His working method involved a constant search for
alternatives – alternatives not only to accepted artistic practice, but also to his own earlier work.(35)

Naumann states that Duchamp was familiar with many aspects of reconciliation in maths, science, linguistics and philosophy. Therefore the relationship between chess and art in the historical figure Duchamp is contained within a wide intellectual field.

Historian Calvin Tomkins makes the similar observation that Duchamp’s fascination with art and chess seems to be bound up in mathematics.(36)
The importance of logic, rationalism and Cartesian thought are an integral part of Duchamp’s work coupled with an anti-rationalistic interest, as seen in the works of Raymond Roussel and Alfred Jarry. Also Duchamp’s use of the term Cartesian is implicit of Descartes idea of man as a thinking mind, and matter an extension of motion. In terms of chess this duality is clearly seen, the movements of chess pieces upon a board are the physical expression of the chess player’s cognition. In an interview with Tomkins, Duchamp says:

Chess is a marvelous piece of Cartesianism, and so imaginative that it doesn’t even look Cartesian at first. The beautiful combinations that chess players invent – you don’t see them coming, but afterward there is no mystery – it’s a pure logical conclusion.(37)

When the life and actions of Duchamp are placed within the historical context of Postmodernity we find the merger or reconciliation of a variety of intellectual paradigms. Duchamp’s studies into chess drew upon the knowledge and language of science, mathematics, and linguistics. Thus in order to understand the life and actions of Marcel Duchamp we must strive to understand the nature of intellectual reconciliation.


Duchamp as Chess Artist

And why . . . isn’t my chess playing an art activity? A chess game is very plastic. You construct it. It’s mechanical sculpture and with chess one creates beautiful problems and that beauty is made with the head and hands.(38)

“I play chess all the time,” he wrote to Walter Arensberg. “I have joined the club here where there are very strong players classed in categories. I still have not had the honor of being classified, and I play with various players of the second and third categories losing and winning from time to time.” He had a set of rubber stamps made up so that he could play correspondence chess with Walter Arensberg. He even designed a set of wooden chessmen that he carved himself, all except the knight, which he farmed out to a local craftsman. In May he wrote to the Stettheimers that painting interested him less and less: “I play [chess] day and night and nothing interests me more than to find the right move..(39)

It is deep below the layers of chess symbolism that Duchamp is encountered as a chess player and an artist. Art theorist Hubert Damisch raised the question as to why we encounter Duchamp in the world of chess at all. Damisch asks: how could he have spent so much of his life involved in nothing but a game? He makes a point of comparison, that Duchamp spent more of his life within this realm than he spent painting, though Duchamp renounced “neither the notion of “artist” nor that of “art.”(40)
How has Duchamp slipped so easily into the realm of chess and become so difficult to follow? I have suggested that it is the art world’s scorn and misunderstanding for the game. Yet it is not within the “game” that we encounter Duchamp. The artist moved into the world of chess and it is here that the art theorist and historian loses Duchamp. What is significant is that Duchamp was able to enter the world of chess only due to his entering as an artist. Duchamp understood chess via the language, values, history, and culture of art. Thus on entering the world of chess we need to find the artist Duchamp. He was not found in the realm of symbolism, though he has left his footprints there, to perhaps lead us astray. When Duchamp entered the chess world he entered as an artist and he proclaimed that art was to be found here. Damisch summarizes Duchamp’s interest for chess as an artistic activity, and that a game of chess is considered “beautiful” in its own right and is as close as possible to becoming a work of art.(41)

Damisch understands Duchamp’s involvement in chess as deeply connected with his agenda as an artist. Damisch asserts that he was not interested in the symbolism of the chess pieces, the layers of historical meaning, or the psycho-sexual elements, but the way that chess was able to evoke abstract and intellectual movement of objects upon a new space or reality. This point Duchamp directly made when he answered the specific question as to the importance of symbolism in chess. Duchamp said that it holds no importance in the game, although chess acts like a drug of addiction.(42)
Duchamp later said that the “expression” of chess and the “competitive” nature made it too incongruent with art, and thus is no art form at all. However, for Duchamp, it was not important to understand chess as a fight, or “sport” but through artistic qualities. This he explicitly stated during a BBC radio interview, when saying that the “competitive aspect was of no importance.” (43)

Of course, one intriguing aspect of the game that does imply artistic connotations is the actual geometric patterns and variations of the actual set up of the pieces and in the combinative, tactical, strategical, and positional sense. It’s a sad expression though – somewhat like religious art – it is not very gay.(44)

Here Duchamp is presenting three ‘artistic’ or aesthetic levels concerning the game. First, the immediate visual impression of the chess pieces upon the board. This includes the chequered board, the sculptural formation of the pieces, and the variety of visual patterns that they form upon the board. Second, the abstract movement of the pieces through the ‘intellectual’ space. Finally, the emotional expression of chess.

The first level of aesthetics were explored by Duchamp in designing (but never making) a chess set. Writing to his sister Suzanne Duchamp he explained,

I am about to launch on the market a new form of chess sets, the main features of which are as follow: The Queen is a combination of a Rook and of a Bishop – the Knight is the same as the one I had in South America. So is the Pawn. The King Too. 2nd they will be colored like this. The white Queen will be light green. The black Queen will be dark green. The Rooks will be blue, light and dark. The bishops will be yellow, light and dark. The knights, red, light and dark. The white King and Black King. White and Black Pawns. Please notice that the Queens’ colour is a combination of the Bishop and of the Rook (just as she is in her movements).(45)

While the immediate visual impression of the chess set would be striking, its purpose is to direct our attention to the second aesthetic level; the intellectual movement of the pieces. This is directly indicated by the coloring of the Queen – its movement being a combination of a Bishop and a Rook. His engagement in chess is seen as profoundly relating to the intellectualized movement of the pieces, to which he has brought the inventiveness of an artist to the aesthetics of the game. It is the ‘artistic’ intellectual and abstract movement of pieces that Duchamp, the artist, values within chess.

Duchamp spoke most openly and comprehensively to Pierre Cabanne concerning this perspective on the game. This interview sheds light upon a vast array of Duchamp’s chess quotations and references commonly used by historians and theorists when speaking on the subject.

Cabanne: I also noted that this passion [for chess] was especially great when you weren’t painting. So, I wondered whether, during those periods, the gestures directing the movements of pawns in space didn’t give rise to imaginary creations – yes, I know, you don’t like that word – creations which, in your eyes, had as much value as the real creation of your pictures and, further, established a new plastic function in space.

Duchamp: In a certain sense, yes. A game of chess is a visual and plastic thing, and if it isn’t geometric in the static sense of the word, it is mechanical, since it moves; it’s a drawing, it’s a mechanical reality. The pieces aren’t pretty in themselves, any more than is the form of the game, but what is pretty – if the word ‘pretty’ can be used – is the movement. Well, it is mechanical, the way, for example, a Calder is mechanical. In chess there are some extremely beautiful things in the domain of movement, but not in the visual domain. It’s the imagining of the movement or of the gesture that makes the beauty, in this case. It’s completely in one’s grey matter.

Cabanne: In short, there is in chess a gratuitous play of forms, as opposed to the play of functional forms on the canvas.

Duchamp: Yes. Completely. Although chess play is not so gratuitous; there is choice ..

Cabanne: But no intended purpose?

Duchamp: No. There is no special purpose. That above all is important.

Cabanne: Chess is the ideal work of art?

Duchamp: That could be. Also, the milieu of chess players is far more sympathetic than that of artists. These people are completely cloudy, completely blind, wearing blinkers. Madmen of a certain quality, the way the artist is supposed to be, and isn’t, in general. That’s probably what interested me the most.(46)

Cabanne poses a range of questions directly concerning the relationship between art and chess. Cabanne begins by establishing an opposition to, or a clear distinction between, chess and art. The term Cabanne actually uses is “painting” yet in its context the word “art” is clearly implicit. The question posed to Duchamp points directly to the relationship Cabanne saw existing between chess and art. Cabanne asked Duchamp when he was not in the paradigm of art whether the movements of chess pieces gave rise to anything that he would value as art; and whether Duchamp discovered a new realm or space for art within chess. In affirmation of this, Duchamp continues to present an explanation of this artistic encounter within chess. As in his chess set design, Duchamp draws our attention to the multiple levels operating within the aesthetics of chess, and directs us to the aspect which he holds in the highest regard. Duchamp’s interest in the movements of a machine, a mystical machine, as directly and simply illustrated in his 1911 Coffee Grinder, operate also in the realm of chess, where the movements of the grinding mechanism is visible and the process or movement of the coffee through the machine is demonstrated. This is shown most clearly in Duchamp’s body of work that make up the King and Queen. There is a clear focus upon the movement of pieces upon the board in intellectual space.

Developing this further, Duchamp reflects on the close relationship chess has to geometry and mechanical movement. The example he presents is the movement of Calder’s mobiles. But a mobile is aesthetic in the realm of the visual and Duchamp says that the aesthetics of chess are not in this domain. It is not even the physical sculptural pieces that are aesthetic or “pretty” – it is the movement of the pieces in intellectual space. The beauty of chess that Duchamp saw was the movement of the pieces within his mind. This is testament to what Duchamp said to Drot,

And further,

Mechanics in the sense that the pieces move, interact, destroy each other, they’re in constant motion and that’s what attracts me. Chess figures placed in a passive position have no visual or aesthetic appeal. It’s the possible movements that can be played from that position that makes it more or less beautiful.(47)

Actually when you play a game of chess it is like designing something or constructing a mechanism of some kind by which you win or lose. The competitive side of it has no importance, but the thing itself is very, very plastic and it is probably what attracted me to the game.(48)

Cabanne presents Duchamp with a summary of this understanding: The distinction between the aesthetics of chess and art (painting) is that in chess there is a free movement or “play of forms” whereas in art, forms are not considered to be free for they serve a functionally aesthetic purpose. Cabanne has made the battle ground for this debate the issue of values associated with aesthetic functionality. Duchamp corrects Cabanne by saying that the aesthetics of chess are concerned with the “play of forms” in intellectual space, however, the movement is restricted by choice, and each choice brings its own consequences just as the artist also faces the consequences of their actions. Chess is not free or “gratuitous” as crudely expressed by Cabanne.

Duchamp and David Antin wrote an article (in response to an interview they had conducted) in which they illustrate the choice and consequences within the intellectual realm of chess and the weight of meaning and significance placed upon a small sculptural object, the chess piece.

but I don’t want to talk about that now I would rather talk about chess since we’re talking about Duchamp its only right that we should talk about chess chessboards define the action in chess the action is usually on the board similarly if you use the word art you use a board as a perimeter and some where within the perimeter is the site of a action at least it would appear so to someone who knew how to play chess which is an action of a different sort for someone know how to play chess for if two people two chess masters are playing a game and somebody watches that game and he gasps ostensibly this is an act of little significance a man pushes a little piece of wood and moves it over here say and the other man gasps he watches the man next to him doesn’t know why he’s gasping the first man is gasping because the player whose move it was has just moved the bishop to a particular position on the board from which will ensure 15 alternative possibilities all of which are not very good.(49)

This interest in intellectual movement was also Duchamp’s concern within painting, ‘intellectual expression’ was the direction that painting should take. Duchamp said;

I considered painting as . . . a means of expression, instead of a complete aim for life . . . the same as I considered that colour is only a means of expression in painting. It should not be the last aim of painting. In other words, painting should not be only retinal or visual; it should have to do with the gray matter of our understanding, not only the purely visual.(50)

American Chess Master Edward Lasker saw that Duchamp’s interest in the aesthetics of chess had profound effects on Duchamp the chess player. Duchamp’s aesthetic concerns and insights influenced his style of play which had immediate implications on many of his tournament results. Duchamp was ever the artist within the world of chess. Schwarz also acknowledges that Duchamp’s aesthetic interest in chess, coupled with his “unorthodox” style led to many defeats at chess master levels.(51)

Duchamp’s interest in chess also revolves around the contradiction or paradox that exists between freedom and restriction. Within a strict framework of rules, there is great room for creative and imaginative thought. Duchamp’s Cartesian sentiments, also presented insights into the aesthetic realm of chess.

Chess is a marvelous piece of Cartesianism, and so imaginative that it doesn’t even look Cartesian at first. The beautiful combinations that chess players invent – you don’t see them coming, but afterward there is no mystery – it’s a pure logical conclusion.(52)

Duchamp’s Hypermodernist chess praxis questioned all previously established styles and theoretical principals whilst maintaining a rigorous mathematical and scientific methodology. Duchamp as a chess player closely associated himself with Hypermodernism not only for its Dadaist position but also for its rigorous mathematical and logical approach. It was through a Cartesian approach that Duchamp wrote Opposition and Sister Squares Are Reconciled with chess theorist Halberstadt. This text has been observed to involve the “seemingly aimless maneuvers of the kings,” yet it shows his interest in the mathematic logic of chess.(53)
His intellectual interest in both the acceptance and rejection of logical thought, or of freedom and restriction, became an interest in the middle ground. A middle ground of indifference, which he considered the “beauty of indifference,” and “an acceptance of all doubts.”(54)
This “indifference” reflects Duchamp’s adoption of a Hypermodern chess style which is an interplay of romantic and modern forms. He explained his attitude of indifference to Andre Breton:

For me there is something else in addition to yes, no or indifferent – that is, for instance – the absence of investigations of that type. . . . I am against the word ‘anti’ because it’s a bit like atheist, as compared to believer. And the atheist is just as much of a religious man as the believer is, and an anti-artist is just as much of an artist as the other artist. Anartist would be much better, if I could change it, instead of anti-artist. Anartist, meaning no artist at all. That would be my conception. I don’t mind being an anartist . . . What I have in mind is that art may be bad, good or indifferent, but, whatever adjective is used, we must call it art, and bad art is still art in the same way as a bad emotion is still an emotion.(55)

Duchamp was reluctant to draw a distinction between the artist and the anti-artist, which questions whether a theorist should make the distinction between art and chess. An indifference to the division between art and chess creating a free flow of ideas between the two. This free flow or traversal of paradigms existed not only between chess and art. Duchamp’s interest in this intellectual paradox flowed into his involvement in mathematics. Henri Poincare is believed to have presented Duchamp with a position that emphasized the resolution of the paradox. Poincare’s mathematical text Science et method has a chapter concerning mathematical invention, which suggests that by using the laws of mathematics one is able to be as inventive, imaginative and creative as a chess player. Poincare says that all mathematicians have “a very sure memory” or,

a power . . . like that of the chess player who can visualize a great number of combinations and hold them in his memory, . . . every good mathematician ought to be a good chess player, and inversely.(56)

Poincare understood chess to be fundamentally associated with invention. An invention of pure elements of “harmony of number, and forms, of geometrical elegance.”(57)
That strict rules and laws exists both within mathematics and chess. Within this framework, the practitioner is able to move and act freely and inventively. It has been suggested that chess operated for Duchamp as an arena of invention that he occupied after completing his conceptual and mathematical invention, the Large Glass.(58)
Julien Levy said of Duchamp:

Marcel wanted to show that an artist’s mind, if it wasn’t corrupted by money or success, could equal the best in any field. He thought that, with its sensitivity to images and sensations, the artist’s mind could do as well as the scientific mind with its mathematical memory. He came damn close, too. But, of course, the memory boys were tougher, they had trained [for chess] from an early age. Marcel started too late in life.(59)

Duchamp was seen by many of his chess opponents to be highly creative, and his use of inventive or “playful” mathematics within the Large Glass, demonstrates Duchamp’s freedom of movement between these paradigms. And perhaps it is within this context that we are to understand Duchamp’s statement that

From my close contact with artists and chess players, I have come to the personal conclusion that while all artists are not chess players, all chess players are artists.(60)

Duchamp came to conduct chess as an artist and to conduct his art making as the chess player.

The theorist David Joselit also explores the way that chess and art relate in Marcel Duchamp’s life and art. Joselit sees chess as “living art” within Duchamp’s life. In which there is a traversal between art and chess as there is Duchamp’s traversal between art to life.

He took an ordinary article of life, placed it so that its useful significance disappeared under the new title and point of view – created a new thought for that object.(61)

Click to EnlargeOriginal Studio PhotographFigure 8
Original Studio Photograph, 1916-17
The photograph of Duchamp’s studio from 1917 presents the framework for this theory. Hanging vertically upon a wall is chess as a physical object, as opposed to the intellectual realms of chess, and upon the floor, chess as a conceptual reality via the readymade sculpture the Trap (Fig.8). It is well known that Duchamp played correspondence chess and these vertical boards were commonly used to illustrate his games in progress. The depth of logical methodology saw Duchamp thrive in correspondence chess and endgame studies. In these instances, the slow pace of the game creates little scope for oversights and incorrect moves, thus a purer logic is achieved. Joselit views this vertical chessboard through art stating that it has entered the arena of the painting. The chess board has entered or ‘colonized’ the paradigm of art via painting.

The rotated chess board suggests that the relationship between chess and art was not necessarily one of displacement but rather of the transformation or transposition of painterly themes into a realm that obviates “the intervention of the hand.” (62)

The flat vertical image upon a wall, yet the physical transient reality of chess, becomes an “erasable beauty” a painting that can be erased and begun over and over again.(63)
Likewise Duchamp said:

At the end of the game you can cancel the painting you are making.(64)

Duchamp wrote the following note that further expresses this:

Chess = a design on slate / that one erases, / the beauty of which / one can reproduce without the / intervention of the “hand.”(65)

Click to EnlargeCoffee MillFigure 9
Marcel Duchamp, Coffee Mill, 1911
Thus Duchamp saw chess enlightening the paradigm of art. Chess is an “aesthetic idiom” to mathematically represent an “immobilized” movement as is seen in the Large Glass (1923) (Fig. 2) and Coffee Mill (1911) (Fig. 9). The artist chess player is able to “diagram it, to capture it within a grid of measurement.”(66)

Joselit’s hypothesis is that chess is a projection into Duchamp’s world of the readymade as clearly displayed in the studio photograph. The readymade represents Duchamp’s traversal between art and everyday life and chess. Trebuchet or Trap draws directly from a theoretical movement within chess. This readymade sculpture is created by Duchamp by nailing a coat rack down upon his studio floor. Trebuchet is a tactical chess move that incites a player to make a move that will ultimately cause them to lose a positional advantage, a piece, or the game. The analogy of being tripped by the inverted coat rack is obvious, one Duchamp actually encountered when he brought the object home and never got around to mounting it to the wall. Duchamp becomes the chess piece tripped by the Trebuchet that was set by himself. Joselit sees a direct connection between the chess board tipped upon a wall and the coat rack that has been tipped down upon the floor. Each work has entered a new realm via its displacement. Duchamp the chess player in the realm of art and Duchamp the artist in the realm of chess, both in the realm of the everyday. Joselit understands that within this photograph, chess operates as a pivot for understanding the movement from the realm of painting to the realm of Duchamp’s readymades. Joselit says that these two works demonstrate the “discursive field that we might call ‘Duchampian chess.'”

To understand what is occurring within Duchamp’s art we need to understand the way chess operates as a theoretical and practical model. Within chess Duchamp enters the arena of the painting via the chess board hung upon a wall. The physical chess object can be aestheticised like that of a painting. Duchamp also enters the realm of the readymade object in his studio and the conceptual movement of correspondence chess through intellectual space via an arena of readymade rules and intellectual visualization. Through documentation and notation Duchamp geometrically charted the movement of the readymade upon the painterly plane. Then the entire chess object is placed within the context of the everyday. It is this nature of the everyday that prompted Duchamp in 1917 to publish a game of chess between the artists (both poor chess players) Roche and Picabia, in a regular chess column of a news paper. The readers were outraged! Duchamp wrote in response to this Richard Mutt Case of the chess world that;

It had been a game from everyday life: lyrical, heroic, romantic; with blunders, sudden panic reactions, flights of imagination and here and there even a correct move.(67)

Joselit believes that Duchamp aimed to invent an art form that was equally as elegant and conceptually beautiful as chess and cites chess as being responsible for Duchamp’s low artistic production during the 1920’s. Joselit writes,

The game was no mere idle pastime for the artist, a smoke screen that could block the scrutiny of the art world. Rather, . . . chess, like the machine before it, provided Duchamp with a productive conceptual and aesthetic model that was unquietly capable of synthesizing the “spatial realism” or literalness of the readymade and the systemic complexity of the Large Glass. (68)

The systemic complexity concerning the Large Glass operates in a similar way to the game of chess. In this work, Duchamp established a conceptual mechanism which is understood to operate via the rules and laws referenced in the Green Box. The way to understand the workings of the Large Glass is via the Green Box. For example Duchamp’s use of colour must be understood via the associated notes. Duchamp wrote, “As in geographical maps, as in architects’ drawings; or diagrams with colour wash, need a colour key: substantive meaning of each colour used.”(69)
Likewise, for chess, the conceptual workings and movements of the pieces operate via the established readymade rules of the game.(70)

This comparison between the workings of the Large Glass and chess was also noted by Linda Dalrymple Henderson in her 1983 text entitled The Fourth Dimension and Non-Euclidean Geometry in Modern Art. She claims we see in the works of Duchamp a similarity of approach to chess and art, through the ‘geometrical theorizing’ in chess and in the notes for the Large Glass.(71)
Duchamp believed that language united his life with the Large Glass and with chess. Yet he maintained the belief that language was unable to communicate purely:

I don’t believe in language, which, instead of explaining subconscious thoughts, in reality creates thought by and after the word . . .(72)

Duchamp was able to maintain the purity of the Large Glass by adopting and inventing a language of paradoxical referencing and operation, like the specialized chess.*
Likewise the world of the Large Glass does not operate beyond its glass surface.(73)

Duchamp was able to create a theoretical union whilst acknowledging the incommensurability of chess and art. A methodology that is not associated with hierarchy or dominance or comparison of criteria, but an approach that enters into the distinct paradigms of art and chess themselves. Marcel Duchamp enters chess holding onto the values of art: Not claiming that chess is art but valuing chess as he values art.


Notes

1. Bois, Hollier & Krauss, A conversation with Hubert Damisch, October #85 Summer, 1998, p.10.

2. Damisch, Hubert, The Duchamp Defense, 1979, October # 10, p.8

3. Hughes, Robert, Shock of the New, Thames & Hudson, London, 1991, p.52.

4. Damisch points out that Duchamp was interested in chess as a young man as shown by an etching by Jacques Villon (Marcel’s brother) showing Marcel playing chess with his sister at the age of seventeen. Duchamp played in the 1924 World Amateur Championship, four French championships from 1924 to 1928, and four Olympiads from 1928 to 1933. He tied for first place at Hyeres 1928 and won the Paris championship in 1932. He drew a game with Grand Master Tartakower in 1928. Several times he beat Belgian Champion Koltanowsky in 1929. He was awarded the chess title of Master in 1929. In 1931 Duchamp became a member of the Committee of French Chess Federation and the French delegate to the World Chess Federation. In 1931 Duchamp co-wrote a book on chess with Halberstadt titled L’Opposition et les cases conjures sont reconciliees. In 1935 Duchamp was Captain of the French Correspondence Olympic team.

5. Damisch, Hubert, The Duchamp Defense, 1979, October # 10, p.8. It is important not to read painting to mean art. Although Duchamp ceased painting his career as an artist continued.

6. Damisch, p.8.

7. Ibid, p.5-9.

8. Tomkins, Calvin, Ahead of the Game, Marmondsworth, Middlesex, Penguin, 1965, p.52-3.

9. Humble, Marcel Duchamp: Chess Aesthete and Anartist Unreconciled, Journal of Aesthetic Education, Vol.32 no.2, 1998, p.41.

10. Naumann, Francis, “Marcel Duchamp: A Reconciliation of Opposites,” de Duve, Thierry, ed., The Definitively Unfinished Marcel Duchamp. Cambridge, MIT Press (co-published with Nova Scotia School of art and Design). 1993, p.41.

11. Ibid, p.41.

12. ‘A Conversation with Marcel Duchamp’. A 30 minute film directed by Robert Graff incorporating an interview by James Sweeney, made at the Philadelphia Museum of Art in 1955 and broadcast by NBC in January 1956 in the program Elderly Wise Men.

13. Raymond Keene, Marcel Duchamp: The Chess Mind, Modern Painters, vol.2, no. 4, winter 1989, p.121

14. Rumney, R. “Marcel Duchamp as a Chess Player and One or Two Related Matters: Francois le Lionnais Interviewed by Ralph Rumney” Studio International 189 no.972 (January-February), 1975, p.127

15. Keene, p.123

16. Rumney 1975, p.128

17. Jones, A. Postmodernism and the Engendering of Marcel Duchamp. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 120.

18. View, ser. no.1, March 1945.

19. Duchamp (R.Mutt), The Blind Man, New York, 1917, found in Harrison/Wood, Art in Theory 1900 – 1990, Blackwell, 1992, p.248.

20. Sweeney, J. A Conversation with Marcel Duchamp, Wisdom: Conversation with the Elder Wise Men of Our Day, New York, W.W. Norton & Co., 1958, p.94-5.

21. Quoted in Damisch, Hubert, The Duchamp Defense, 1979, October # 10, p.10

22. Masheck, J., Marcel Duchamp in Perspective, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, 1975, p.19.

23. Damisch, p.19-21.

24. Cabanne, Pierre, P. Dialogues with Marcel Duchamp. New York, Viking Press, 1971, p.77-8.

25. Damisch, p.22.

26. Adcock, Craig, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes for the Large Glass: An N-Dimensional Analysis, Ann Arbor, p.63.

27. Damisch, p.14. Quoting Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics, eds. Charles Bally and Albert Sechechaye, trans. Wade Baskin, New York McGraw-Hill, p.107.

28. Ibid, p.14

29. This work is concerned with that very special point of the endgame in chess when all the pieces have been lost, only the Kings and a few pawns remain on the board. And this special ‘lone-pawns’ situation is treated only from the even more particular situation in which the pawns have been blocked and only the Kings can play. This situation is called zugzwang, a German term of international use that indicates this blocked position in which only certain moves, and in a limited number, are possible. In this case (pawns blocked and only the Kings being able to move), even though they make use of conclusions already established by Abbe Durand, Drtina, Bianchette, etc., Duchamp and Halberstadt are the first to have noticed the synchronisation of the moves of the black King and the white King. This synchronisation is analysed at length and forms the basis of their system. In order to win, a white King cannot move indiscriminately without regard for the colour of the square on which he finds himself. Using the terminology of the authors of the book, he must choose a ‘heterodox opposition’ with respect to the colour of the square occupied by the black King. This ‘heterodox opposition,’ which represents the real contribution of Duchamp and Halberstadt to the theory of chess, would demand a technical explanation too lengthy to be given here. At any rate, for clarity I would add that the game of chess does contain the idea of ‘opposition,’ and that Duchamp and Halberstadt have renamed it ‘orthodox opposition’ in order to distinguish it form the ‘heterodox opposition’ that they have discovered. This ‘orthodox opposition’ is something that all chess players know about, and it is far form being a mystery. It is a sure means of winning in certain situations. In fact, ‘heterodox opposition’ is no more than an amplification of opposition. It is simply applied to a longer number of squares, and it adopts various forms that are missing in the rigid ‘orthodox opposition.

30. Trap or Le Trebuchet is a technical chess term, and is also the subject of a readymade by Duchamp.

31. Damisch, p.24.

32. Ibid, p.25-6.

33. de Duve, p.55.

34. Ibid, p.53-7.

35. Ibid, p.57.

36. Tomkins, Calvin, Duchamp: A Biography. London, Random House, 1998, p.211.

37. Ibid, p.211.

38. Marcel Duchamp, interview by Truman Capote in Richard Avedon, Observation, NY: Simon and Schuster, 1959, p.55.

39. Tomkins 1998, p.210-11.

40. Damisch 1979, p.8.

41. Ibid, p.9.

42. Documentary film by Drot, J. M. A game of chess with Marcel Duchamp, L’institut National de’Audiovisuael Direction des Archives: RM Associates/Public Media, 1987.

43. Kremer, M. The Chess Career of Marcel Duchamp. New in Chess, Alkmaar, Holland, 1989, p.34

44. Duchamp quoted by Brandy, Schwarz, Marcel Duchamp. New York, Harry N. Abrams, Incorporated, 1975, p.70.

45. Duchamp quoted by Naumann, Affectueusement, Marcel: ten Letters from Marcel Duchamp to Suzanne Duchamp and Jean Crotti. Archives of American Art Journal, 22, No. 4 1982, p.14.

46. Cabanne, 1971, p.18-19.

47. Drot, J. M., 1987.

48. Duchamp, Salt Seller: the Writings of Marcel Duchamp, New York, Oxford University Press, 1973, p.136

49. D’Harnoncourt & McShine ed. Marcel Duchamp, MoMA, Prestel, 1989 p.100 (original published format has been maintained)

50. Schwarz, Arturo, The Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp. London, Thames and Hudson, 1969, p.20.

51. Ibid, p.66.

52. Marcel Duchamp interview with Calvin Tomkins, undated, Tomkins, 1998, p.211.

53. Kremer, p.50.

54. Hamilton and Hamilton, BBC interview, London, 1959.

55. Duchamp quoted by Schwarz 1969, p.33.

56. Poincare, Science et methode, cited in Henderson, Duchamp in Context, Princeton, New Jersey, Princton University Press, 1998, p.186.

57. Ibid

58. Ibid

59. Schwarz 1969,p.70.

60. Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. papers, August 30, 1952.

61. Duchamp, 1917, p.248.

62. Joselit, D., Infinite Regress: Marcel Duchamp 1910-1941. Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England, October, 1998, p.158

63. Joselit, D., Infinite Regress: Marcel Duchamp 1910-1941. Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England, October, 1998, p.160.

64. J. J. Tharrats, “Marcel Duchamp,” Art Actuel (Lausanne) 6 (1958): p.1

65. Marcel Duchamp, Notes, ed Paul Matisse, Boston: G.K.Hall, 1983, note 273, unpaginated.

66. Joselit, 1998, p.163.

67. Kremer, 1989, p.47.

68. Joselit, 1998, p.164.

69. Schwarz, 1969, p.27.

70. Joselit, 1998, p.173-4.

71. Henderson, Linda D., The Fourth Dimension and Non-Euclidian Geometry in Modern Art. Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1983, p.124.

72. Jones, p.133.

* The language of chess must be understood to go beyond the cliche of chess that are used in everyday speak like “checkmate” to the abstract world of piece movement, engagement, exchange, and combination.

73. M.D to Jehan Mayoux, March 8, 1956, Archives of Alexina Duchamp, Tomkins, 1998, p.394.

Fig.1-6, 8-9 © 2007 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,
Paris.




Color-Coded Chromatic Chess

 

Chess Game

Please click on the still image for animated re-creation of Duchamp’s Color-Coded Chess Pieces;
Please click to start playing chess game immediately against the computer.
The first generation of Duchamp’s Color-Coded Chess Game has been created using computer chess program and 3 dimensional chess pieces that appropriate both Duchamp’s chess piece designs and proposed color system.
Created by Francis Naumann, with animation by Robert Slawinski and chess game appropriation by Sumeet Malik.


click to enlarge
2D and 3D chess pieces
Figure 1
Duchamp created both 2D and 3D chess pieces during his lifetime. Chess Pieces of 1918-19 represents 3D designs (top), while Pocket Chess Set of 1943 illustrates his 2D chess pieces (bottom).

 

 

While living in Buenos Aires, Duchamp began to take the game of chess so seriously that he wrote friends to say that he was on the verge of becoming “chess maniac.” He reviewed various published games (especially those of Capablanca, the great Cuban world champion, whose play he idolized) and he relayed various game positions to correspondents by means of a stamp set that he designed and cut from small pieces of rubber. It may have been this process that inspired him to create a new three-dimensional set out of wood, designing the pieces himself. (Fig. 1)

Although Duchamp has been credited in many scholarly publications (including my own) of having carved the pieces himself—except for the Knights, which he said were carved by a local craftsman—it has been recently pointed out that the other pieces are so precisely and mechanically produced that they were likely turned on a lathe by a professional machinist.(1) Larry List—an artist and curator who has studied this set quite carefully—has concluded that what probably actually took place was the reverse: the pieces were likely made by a local craftsman, while Duchamp carved the Knights entirely himself.(2) List also observed that “with their collars of stepped and tiered concentric disk forms,” the pieces bear a resemblance to the style of sets produced in the French Regency/St. George era. Indeed, although united by elegant tapering bases, the individual pieces are actually quite conventional, with the exception of the King and Knight (Fig. 2). The Knight is the piece that varies most greatly even in standard chess set designs, such as the Staunton Chess Set (1849) (Fig. 3), the most popular and widely used set to this day. Duchamp’s Knight creates a horse’s head out of a stylized Art Nouveau violin scroll, its mane punctuated by an even repetition of small squares (lending the overall design a Futurist appearance). His King displays a crown, but the cross that usually hovers above his head is missing, “my declaration,” as Duchamp later explained, “to anticlericalism.”(3) The result is that the Queen and King (Fig. 4) are quite similar in appearance, a characteristic Duchamp may very well have desired (since we know that he would soon go on to invent a female alter-ego), but the results can quickly spell defeat for someone unaccustomed to playing with these pieces (as I can myself attest, having played—and lost—several times on this very set).

 

 

click to enlarge

 

  • Marcel Duchamp, Knight, from the Chess Pieces
    Figure 2

     

    Marcel Duchamp, Knight, from the Chess Pieces, 1918-19

     

  • Staunton Chess Set
    Figure 3

     

    Staunton Chess Set

     

  • King and Queen, from the Chess Pieces
    Figure 4

     

    Marcel Duchamp, King and Queen, from the Chess Pieces, 1918-19

     

 

In the summer of 1919, Duchamp packed his new chess set into his bags and set sail for Paris, where he spent a few months visiting family and friends. He spent some time with Henri-Pierre Roché, the French diplomat and writer whom he had not seen since in New York. Roché was struck by the beauty of Duchamp’s chess set and, fearing that it could disappear, asked if he could arrange for the set to be cast (into what material is unknown). “The operation is successful and the pieces have reproduced very beautifully,” Roché noted in his diary on December 20, 1919.(4)

 

In January of 1920, Duchamp returned to New York, where he spent approximately two years engaged in a variety of art-related projects (completing his Large Glass, constructing a new motorized optical device, and helping Man Ray and Katherine Dreier to plan a new museum of modern art). Although these activities must have been demanding, he managed to find the time to engage in his ever-increasing passion. He joined the Marshall Chess Club, and began his first attempts at professional play, entering into various competitions and tournaments. “It was down near Washington Square then,” he told Calvin Tomkins, “and I spent quite a number of nights playing there until three in the morning, then going back uptown on the elevated. That’s probably where I picked up the idea that I could play a serious game of chess.”(5) On October 20, 1920, he wrote to his brother-in-law and former studio-mate Jean Crotti, reporting on his activities, and he seized the opportunity to tell him about a chess set he had designed, which he was planning to produce and sell:

 

As for chess? Great, Great! I played a lot in simultaneous matches that Marshall held, playing on 12 boards at a time. And I won my match 2 times.
I’ve made enormous progress and I work like a slave. Not that I have any chance of becoming champion of France, but I will have the pleasure of being able to play almost any player, in a year or two.
Naturally this is the part of my life that I enjoy most.
This winter I will be on Marshall’s team (his 8 best players) against the other N.Y. teams. Just as I had already done last winter—but this time I’m hoping to win a few games (which I didn’t then)—I am crazy about it
Something else—I am about to launch on the market a new form of chess sets, the main features of which are as follows:
The Queen is a combination of a Rook and of a Bishop—The Knight is the same as the one I had in South America. So is the Pawn. The king too.
2nd They will be colored like this.
The white Queen will be light green.
” black ” ” ” dark ”
The Rooks will be blue, light and dark.
The Bishops ” ” yellow, ” ” ”
The Knights red, light and dark.
White King and Black King
White and Black Pawns
Please notice that the Queen in her color is a combination of the Bishop and of the Rook (just as she is in her movements)—
3rd I am going to ask Marshall if I can use his name and call them Marshall’s Chessmen. I will give him 10% of the receipts.
4th They will be made out of cast plaster mixed with glue, which will make them as sturdy as wooden pieces. (Perhaps your stone might be useful; I will send you a set as soon as it’s ready and you can experiment with it if you like)—(6)

 

The design and color-coding of the chess set Duchamp described is ingenious, for the modeling and color of each piece would serve as continuous visual reminders of its movement and strategic power. The Queen, for example, would be a fusion of the design given to the Rook and Bishop, being that—in both power and movement—she combines their characteristics. Since the Rook is Blue, and the Bishop is Yellow, the Queen is naturally green, since she combines their colors (when yellow is mixed with blue it produces green). The Knight—which shares no characteristics with any other pieces on the board (neither in terms of movement or power)—is colored red, and, like the King and Pawn, takes its design from the chess set Duchamp made in Buenos Aires. Opposing Kings and Pawns are black and white, while one side of the board is distinguished from the other by being cast in a darker (black) or lighter (white) tonality.

 

“Why isn’t my chess playing an art activity?,” Duchamp later rhetorically asked the writer Truman Capote. “A Chess game is very plastic. You construct it. It’s mechanical sculpture, and with chess one creates beautiful problems and that beauty is made with the head and hands.”(7) The game you construct with a chromatic set, therefore, would be very different than the experience of playing with more conventional, black-and-white pieces. Duchamp later compared the game of chess to a “pen and ink drawing, with the difference, however, that the chess players paint with black and white forms already prepared instead of inventing forms as does the artist.”(8) Extending Duchamp’s analogy, we could then say that playing on the chromatic set would be the equivalent of drawing in color.

 

So far as we know, Duchamp does not seem to have taken his idea to produce this set any further, at least not while he lived in New York. Shortly after returning to Paris in 1922, he again met with Roché, where they reminisced about old days in New York, and Roché admired “the beautiful set of painted chessmen.”(9) This would indicate that at least one example of the painted sets was made, possibly the replica Roché cast two years earlier in Paris and which Duchamp probably painted—in the manner described in his letter to Crotti (cited above)—while living in New York. Unfortunately, to this very day, no trace of this set has been found, but we have here provided a virtual reconstruction, which the reader is invited to play. Good luck: you will be playing the computer.

 


 

 

Notes

 

1. This observation was made by the artist Richard Pettibone after having read the citation in my book Marcel Duchamp: The Art of Making Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1999) 78-80.

 

2. Larry List, The Imagery of Chess Revisited (New York: George Braziller, 2005), the catalogue for an exhibition of the same title at the Noguchi Museum, Long Island City, New York, October 20, 2005 – March 5, 2006 (Mr. List kindly provided the author a copy of his manuscript for this publication).

 

3. As told to Arturo Schwarz and quoted in Schwarz, The Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp (New York: Delano Greenidge, 1997) 667.

 

4. See Jennifer Gough-Cooper and Jacques Caumont, “Ephemerides on and about Marcel Duchamp and Rrose Sélavy,” in Pontus Hulten, ed., Marcel Duchamp: Life and Art (Cambridge: MIT, 1993), entry for December 20, 1919.

 

5. Quoted in Calvin Tomkins, Marcel Duchamp: A Biography (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1996) 210.

 

6. Marcel Duchamp to Jean Crotti and Suzanne Duchamp, October 20, 1920, ALS, Papers of Jean Crotti and Suzanne Duchamp, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.; see Francis M. Naumann, Affectueusement, Marcel: Ten Letters from Marcel Duchamp to Suzanne Duchamp and Jean Crotti, Archives of American Art Journal 22. 4 (1982): 14, and Naumann, ed, Affectionately, Marcel: The Selected Correspondence of Marcel Duchamp (Ghent: Ludion Press, 2000) 92-94.

 

7. Quoted in Richard Avadon, ed., Observations (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959) 55 (cited in Schwarz, Complete Works, 72).

 

8. Remarks quoted from an address that Duchamp delivered at a banquet for the New York State Chess Association, New York, August, 1952 (quoted in Schwarz, Complete Works, 72).

 

9. Cooper and Caumont, “Ephemerides,” entry for January 17, 1922 (emphasis added).

 

Figs. Pocket Chess Set, 1, 2, 4
© 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris. All rights reserved.




Duchamp’s Perspective: The Intersection of Art and Geometry


click to enlarge
Three Standard Stoppages
Figure 1
Marcel Duchamp, Three Standard Stoppages, 1913

Marcel Duchamp’s readymade, but “not quite,” as he called the Three Standard Stoppages(Fig. 1), is a highly ramified work of art.(1)The pieces of string used in its construction are related to sight lines and to vanishing points. In addition to their ostensive references to perspective and projective geometry, the Stoppages allude to happenstance. They are perhaps the artist’s best known work that incorporates uncertain outcomes into its operation. (In one of his Green Box notes, Duchamp says that the Stoppages are “canned chance.”)(2) To make the work, he glued three pieces of string to three narrow canvases painted solid Prussian blue. (Each string had a different randomly generated curvature.) He then cut three wooden templates to match the shapes of these “diminished meters.”(3)


click still images to enlarge
Network of Stoppages
Figure 2
Marcel Duchamp, Network of Stoppages, 1914
 Bride Stripped Bare
by Her Bachelors
Figure 3
Marcel Duchamp, Bride Stripped Bare
by Her Bachelors, Even
, 1915-23

As this description indicates, the piece was quite unusual physically, and it was conceptually unprecedented. In terms of his personal development, Duchamp said the work had been crucial: “… it opened the way–the way to escape from those traditional methods of expression long associated with art. …For me the Three Standard Stoppages was a first gesture liberating me from the past.”(4)
Duchamp used the Stoppages to design the pattern of lines in his painting Network of Stoppages (Fig. 2) and then, after rendering this plan view in perspective, transferred it to The Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelors, Even (Fig. 3). In the Large Glass, as the Bride Stripped Bare . . . is also known, the “network” comprises the “capillary tubes,” iconographical elements that connect the “nine malic molds.”(5) The Three Standard Stoppages, the Network of Stoppages, and the Large Glass are associated with one another through geometrical projection and section. Duchamp’s approach, with respect to establishing their mutual relationships, is complex. He not only redrew the Network
of Stoppages
in perspective so that he could incorporate the scheme into the imagery of the Glass, he also recast physical counterparts of the Stoppages into the actual structure of the Glass: the
three plates used in the Three Standard Stoppages are conceptually related to the three narrow sections of glass used to construct the “garments” of the Bride (Fig. 4). In each work, two plates
are in green glass, and one is in white glass.(6) The strips of glass at the horizon line of the Large Glass are seen edge-on, an arrangement comparable to looking down into the box of the Three
Standard Stoppages
with the sheets of glass inserted into their slots. To my knowledge, this relationship was first pointed out by Ulf Linde:

The Bride’s Clothes are to be found on the horizon–the line that governs the Bachelor Apparatus’ perspective and which is in the far distance. Thus, the Clothes seem to be the source of the waterfall. Moreover, the Clothes are undoubtedly the hiding-place
of the Standard Stoppages, as well. For this part, as it is executed on the Glass, looks exactly like the glass plates as they appear set in the croquet case–as if the Clothes simply repeated the three glass plates in profile. One might say that it is the three threads that set the Chariot in motion.(7)


click still images to enlarge
Garments of the Bride
Figure 4
Marcel Duchamp, Bride Stripped
Bare by Her Bachelors, Even
(Detail:The “garments”
of the Bride), 1915-23
Chocolate Grinder
Figure 5
Marcel Duchamp,Chocolate
Grinder, No. 2
, 1914

Although some of what Linde says here is unclear, at least to me, it is nonetheless suggestive, especially his proposition that the Stoppages are hidden in the Bride’s clothing. Duchamp’s use of different colored glass in just the same way in both applications (and the colors are more apparent when the glass plates are seen edge-on) indicates that he somehow meant for the Stoppages and the Bride’s “garments” to be linked together. I believe that their most important affiliation is perspectival: the vanishing point at the horizon line of the Glass is tied to the “garments” through geometry.

In a note from the Box of 1914 that was subsequently republished in the Green Box, Duchamp explains that pieces of string one meter long were to be dropped from a height of one meter, twisting “as they pleased” during their fall. The chance-generated curvatures would create “new
configurations of the unit of length.”(8) Although we do not know exactly how he constructed the work, we do know that he almost certainly did not use this method. The ends of the pieces of string in the Stoppages are sewn through the surfaces of the canvases and are attached to them from behind.(9) Presumably, Duchamp sewed down the strings, leaving them somewhat loose, jiggled and jostled them back and forth until he obtained three interesting curves, and then glued the segments to the canvases using varnish. Sewing would not have been out of keeping with his general working methods, especially since he was also at this time (1914) sewing thread to his painting Chocolate Grinder, No. 2 (Fig. 5)

Duchamp wanted to relate his various works to each other. The moving segments of thread in the Three Standard Stoppages are conceptually similar to the moving lines and shapes in his cubo-futurist paintings. They are also conceptually similar to the parallel lines on the drums of the “chocolate grinder,” which can, in their turn, also be related to the chronophotographic sources of the earlier paintings. Chronophotography was among Duchamp’s primary interests during this period.(10) What I have in mind here can be seen by comparing Duchamp’s works with Étienne-Jules Marey’s images of moving lines Figs. 6 and 7). These kinds of time-exposure photographs not only recall such paintings as Sad Young Man on a Train (Fig. 8) and Nude Descending a Staircase, No. 2 (Fig. 9), but also the Three Standard Stoppages and Chocolate Grinder, No. 2.(11)

click images to enlarge

  • moving lines
  • moving lines
  • Sad Young Man
on a Train
  • Figure 6
    Étienne-Jules
    Marey, Image of moving lines
  • Figure 7
    Étienne-Jules
    Marey, Image of moving lines
  • Figure 8
    Marcel Duchamp,
    Sad Young Man
    on a Train
    , 1911
Nude Descending Figure 9
Marcel Duchamp,
Nude Descending
a Staircase, No. 2
, 1912

####PAGES####

In addition to implying something being stopped, the word “stoppage” also suggests something being mended or repaired. In French, “stoppage” refers to sewing or reweaving a tear in a fabric in such a way that the tear can no longer be seen.(12) From this perspective, the individual lines in the sculpture and the network of lines in the painting can be compared with the breaks in the Large Glass. In his early monograph, Robert Lebel pointed out that the Network of Stoppages bears a strange resemblance to the pattern of fissures in the Glass, as if the painting had somehow been a preliminary study for the subsequent breakage.(13) When Duchamp put the Glass back together, or perhaps we could also say when he “rewove” it, he no doubt also noticed the fortuitous similarities. The shapes of the line segments generated by the pieces of thread were random, but they seemed planned. Likewise, the line segments caused by the Glass being smashed were determined by chance, but they also seemed necessary for its completion (or definitive incompletion).(14)
When Duchamp rebuilt the work, he was “stopping” an accidental event that had somehow made the Glass “a hundred times better.”(15) The mended cracks in the glass are not wholly invisible, but they do approach a point of disappearance–like pieces of string falling away toward some mysterious knot at infinity. Duchamp’s lines, his fractures and strands, intersect at a vanishing point in the fourth dimension, a realm that cannot be seen from our ordinary perspectives.

The Bride’s “garments” and the Three Standard Stoppages can also be discussed in terms of yet another kind of “stoppage.” Glass, as a physical substance, is an insulator, and as such is often
used to arrest or impede the flow of electrical current through circuits. Duchamp may very well have been thinking of his glass plates in these kinds of terms when he was constructing the Large Glass. (16) He also refers to the Bride’s clothing as a “cooler”:

(Develop the desire motor, consequence of the lubricious gearing.) This desire motor is the last part of the bachelor machine. Far from being in direct contact with the Bride, the desire motor is separated by an air cooler (or water). This cooler (graphically) to express the fact that the bride, instead of being merely an asensual icicle, warmly rejects (not chastely) the bachelors’ brusque offer. This cooler will be in transparent glass. Several plates of glass one above the other. In spite of this cooler, there is no discontinuity between the bachelor machine and the Bride. But the connections will be electrical and will thus express the stripping: an alternating process. Short
circuit if necessary.(17)

In addition to the terms “vêtements de la mariée” and “refroidisseur,” Duchamp uses the expression “plaques isolatrices” to describe his strips of glass. (18)

This phrase can be translated as “isolating plates” or “insulating plates.” In one of his posthumously published notes, he calls the horizontal division of the Glass a “grand isolateur,”
a “large insulator,” and explains that it should be made using “three planes five centimeters apart in transparent material (sort of thick glass) to insulate the Hanged [Pendu] from the bachelor machine.”(19)


click to enlarge
Draft Pistons
Figure 10
Marcel Duchamp,
Draft Pistons, 1914
Travelor's Folding Item
Figure 11
Marcel Duchamp,
Travelor’s Folding Item, 1916
Unbroken Large Glass
Figure 12
Photograph of
the unbroken Large Glass

Glass may play a similar exclusionary role in the workings of the Three Standard Stoppages, but in ways that are perhaps less “transparent.” While Duchamp was apparently interested in exploring a frustrated relationship between the Bride and the Bachelors, involving as it does a “short circuit,” he was also trying to “delay”  communication. Whatever talking occurs, or fails to occur, between
the separated Bride and Bachelors pertains to seeing or not seeing through words. In his notes, Duchamp explains that the Bride sends her commands to the Bachelors through the “draft pistons,”
“triple ciphers” that use a formal alphabet constructed using the Three Standard Stoppages. Because the chance-determined “draft pistons” (Fig. 10) which are deformed planes, are conceptually similar to the Stoppages, which are deformed lines, these interpretations again converge geometrically. It might also be pointed out that Duchamp’s readymade Traveler’s
Folding Item
(Fig. 11) can be taken as a next logical step in this sequence: a one-dimensional
line generating a two-dimensional surface, which in its turn, generates a three-dimensional “solid”–one that can fold up.(20) By looking somewhat further into the n-dimensional implications
of these works (from the Latin implicatio, an entwining or interweaving), we may be able to ascertain how Duchamp’s arrangements, his strings and fabrics, which seem to have topological insinuations, might actually operate. Just how do the Three Standard Stoppages disappear into the Bride’s clothing?

At some later point in the construction of Three Standard Stoppages, Duchamp cut the narrow strips of canvas from their stretchers, reducing them in size in the process, and then glued them down to thick pieces of plate glass. He probably carried out this reworking when he was repairing
the Large Glass at Katherine S. Dreier’s home in Connecticut during the spring and summer of 1936.(21) Also at this time, he probably decided to put the various components of the Three Standard Stoppages into a specially constructed wooden case that resembles a croquet box. Duchamp’s decision to amplify the Stoppages along these lines was almost certainly connected with how he was repairing the “garments” of the Bride, which had presumably been pulverized when the Glass was accidentally broken in 1927. From the photograph of the unbroken Large Glass taken at the Brooklyn Museum

(Fig. 12),

it is difficult to determine how the original “garments” were constructed, but they do not appear to have been as elaborate as the repaired strips of glass. As pointed out earlier, Duchamp must have intended for the Stoppages and the “garments” to be related to one another because he used similarly colored strips of glass and parallel edge-on arrangements in their respective reconstructions.

Did Duchamp somehow “betray” his work by not actually dropping the pieces of string when he originally made the Three Standard Stoppages or when, over twenty years later, he further modified his original conception of the piece? No more than he betrayed himself by learning to appreciate the breaks in the Large Glass, or by elaborating the Bride’s “garments” when he repaired them. Such operations are, I believe, commensurate with his general attitudes about such matters.(22) Recall his statement to Katherine Kuh: “the idea of letting a piece of thread fall on a canvas was accidental, but from this accident came a carefully planned work. Most important was accepting and recognizing this accidental stimulation. Many of my highly organized works were initially suggested by just such chance encounters”(23)

Dropping pieces of string was not a rule that Duchamp had to follow, but rather a point of departure in his thinking, just as the damage to the Glass wound up inspiring his admiration.(24)
His artistic approach was analogous to scientists establishing hypotheses at the beginning of a research program, but then modifying their hypotheses once work has been carried out in the laboratory. Over the course of time, Duchamp’s examples of “hasard en conserve” (25)were supplied with controls that had not been deemed necessary in the beginning. As with the chance breakage he preserved in the Large Glass, the important thing was recognizing the accidental stimulation. Moreover, by allowing the pieces of thread to do more than simply fall upon the canvas surfaces by actually sewing them through to the other side, Duchamp could emphasize the notion that they had intersected the canvases. The encounter involved both chance and mathematics.

In works such as the Three Standard Stoppages, Duchamp creates physical analogues for the abstract concept of “intersection”: the one-dimensional pieces of string, the curved line segments, intersect the two-dimensional surfaces of the canvases (and they literally share points in common where they are sewn together). The strings are thus further implicated (I am tempted to say intertwined), along geometrical lines, with the fabric of the canvas strips. The cracks in the Glass are also a fundamental part of it. They are “inside” the broken sheets of glass, which are, in their turn, encased inside the heavy panes of glass that Duchamp used to effect their repair. In an analogous way, the ends of the strings in the Stoppages are sandwiched between the strips of canvas and the rectangles of glass that back them.

Duchamp’s works on glass are flat, but they are nonetheless rather thick. They are “spaces” that can be thought of, especially in this context, as rectangular solids. Because the sheets of glass themselves have thickness, a depth that is often layered, they can be taken as three-dimensional sections out of higher-dimensional continua. When, for example, all the configurations of the Stoppages (the strings, the templates, and the plates of glass) are considered together, their n-dimensional implications are manifest. They are one-dimensional, two-dimensional, and three-dimensional, and they have n-dimensional possibilities. Each configuration is related to the others through projection and intersection: the lines can be taken as slices out of surfaces, the surfaces as slices out of solids, and the solids as slices out of hypersolids. Esprit Pascal Jouffret, one of Duchamp’s most important mathematical sources, characterized such cuts as “infinitely thin layers.” (26)

Duchamp’s approach–moving from lines to surfaces, and from spaces to hyperspaces–is couched in terms of perspective. He considers how vanishing points and changing points of view would operate in 2-space, 3-space, 4-space, or any given n-space. He suggests using “transparent glass” and “mirror” as analogues of four-dimensional perspective systems (analogues because such systems cannot actually be constructed in three-dimensional space).(27)

Especially when the narrow sheets of glass are seen edge-on in the slots in their croquet box, they suggest their membership in an infinite series (reflections in mirrors can also imply infinite reiterations). In an interview with Pierre Cabanne, Duchamp emphasized the serial characteristics of the Stoppages: “When you’ve come to the word three, you have three million–it’s the same thing as three. I had decided that the things would be done three times to get what I wanted. My Three Standard Stoppages is produced by three separate experiments, and the form of each one is slightly different. I keep the line, and I have a deformed meter.”
(28)

he specifics of how Duchamp kept his line and used his deformed meter is worth exploring further. He tells Cabanne that he had been interested in working on glass for several reasons, including the way color “is visible from the other side.” Glass was also useful in laying out its various elements: “perspective was very important. The Large Glass constitutes a rehabilitation of perspective, which had been completely ignored and disparaged. For me, perspective became absolutely scientific.”(29)

y using linear perspective in his design, Duchamp could arrange the Bachelors’ domain in such a way that the vanishing point coincided with the horizontal division between the upper and lower panels of the Glass.

From this perspective, or from the point of view of perspective, Duchamp’s saying that a “labyrinth” lies at the “central part of the stripping-bare” is significant: the Large Glass and the Three Standard Stoppages are about occlusion.(30)

They involve unusual station points, and unusual distance points, in a perspectival system that can only be reconstructed from isolated positions outside normal space. If Duchamp were thinking of his “strips” of glass as physical puns on the notion of “stripping” the Bride, then their structure is doubly suggestive.(31) Because her clothing consists of transparent sections of glass that
are entailed with a “point de fuite,” it can be taken to include a complex set of folds, not only in the cloth of the garments, but also in the fabric of space. Recall that Traveler’s Folding Item is conceptually related to the Three Standard Stoppages.Also, the typewriter cover has been called the “Bride’s Dress.” (32)Perhaps the disappearance of the Stoppages, their dropping away toward infinity at the position of the Bride’s garments, can be taken as an interdimensional folding up, a stripping bare thatrequires orthogonal translation into higher space.

Perhaps the disappearance of the Stoppages, their dropping away toward infinity at the position of the Bride’s garments, can be taken as an interdimensional folding up, a stripping bare that requires orthogonal translation into higher space.

All of the works here under discussion are related to one another through perspectivalism (and also perspectivism). For Duchamp, the use of perspective as a system was not a matter of creating single, fixed-point ways of looking at things. It was, on the contrary, involved in dislodging viewers from their ordinary ways of understanding. And with this objective in mind, his choosing readymades during the same period he was working on the Stoppagescan be seen as a related activity. When Duchamp made his remark about Three Standard Stoppages being a readymade, but “not quite,” he continued by saying, “it’s a readymade if you wish, but a moving one.”(33)

The curving pieces of string and our shifting notions of the meaning of the readymades seem to trail off from a “vanishing point”at the horizon of our own thinking. The readymades refuse to abide
by our ordinary definitions of art, and the Stoppages allude to geometries that have challenged our traditional epistemological structures.
(34)

Their curvatures can be taken as references to non-Euclidean or topological geometries, complications that necessitate our reconsidering our vanishing points. The strings, when taken as analogues for lines of sight, are transposed, or rotated, into a hidden space.


click to enlarge
Girard Desargues's discussions of perspective
Figure 13
Girard Desargues’s discussions
of perspective
Girard Desargues's discussions of perspective
Figure 14
Girard Desargues’s discussions
of perspective

What I have in mind here can be seen in the illustrations that accompany Girard Desargues’s discussions of perspective (Figs. 13 and 14). Desargues was the first mathematician to see connections between linear perspective and conic sections, and is generally considered to be the founder of projective geometry.(35) He contributed to the “mathematicization” of perspective,
helping to transform the practical Renaissance practice of artists into the deductive science of geometers.(36)
In the illustrations, threads from lines of sight are bunched up at the plane of the picture, as if they were lying at, or perhaps it would be better to say “in,” the surface of the representation. Rather than being part of the representations, which are behind the surface and inside the three-dimensional structure represented by the picture, they are meant to be seen as separate from it.(37)
In other words, they lie in a transparent perspectival section of our visual pyramid, the surface of the picture plane that we do not normally look at in a Renaissance picture, but through.(38)

Such lines are also connected by a technological protocol involving an “arbor.” Desargues is one of the most likely sources for Duchamp’s referring to the “Bride” as an “arbor-type.”(39) The mathematician uses the term “arbre” in his discussions of perspective, as J. V. Field has explained:

“Arbre” is usually translated as “tree,” but the word can equally mean “arbor” or “axle.” Like the central axle in a machine, Desargues’ arbre is the member to which others are referred, that is, their relation to it is what chiefly defines their significance in the overall arrangement. The standard metaphorical usage whereby engineers called an axle a tree might thus have suggested to Desargues an extension of the same metaphor to provide names for subsidiary elements in the geometrical scheme.
(40)

In Desargues’ usage, an “arbre” becomes a geometrical axis.(41) His unusual vocabulary was probably inspired by his engineering and military experience, as Field suggests. Desargues employs a number of other “arbor-type” terms, such as tronc (trunk), noeud (knot), rameau (branch), souche (stump), and branche (limb). A “trunk” is a straight line that is intersected by other straight lines, “knots” are the points on the “trunk” through which the other lines pass, the other lines themselves are called “branches,” a point common to a group of segments on a line is a “stump,” one of these segments is a “limb,” etc.(42)

Desargues’ general approach of adopting an affective vocabulary for geometrical entities recalls Duchamp’s practice. For example, Desargues’ term essieu (axletree) is reminiscent of Duchamp’s term charnière (hinge). “Perhaps make a hinge picture (folding yardstick, book); develop the principle of the hinge in the displacements, first in the plane, second in space. Find an automatic description of the hinge. Perhaps introduce it in the Pendu femelle.”(43) The mechanical engineering term “axletree” refers, basically, to a fixed beam with bearings at its ends. Because the axletree has
other devices, such as wheels, branching from it, we can perhaps see why Desargues saw a comparable situation in the way geometrical projections branch off from the axes of his perspective system. In English, the similar term “arbor” was apparently used during the seventeenth
century to designate any kind of axle, but is now generally used to refer to the axles in small mechanisms such as clocks.(44)

Duchamp hints that he was familiar with these kinds of distinctions. In one of his posthumously published notes (actually notations on a folder that originally contained several other notes), he associates the Bride, the “Pendu” (femelle), with a “standard arbor (shaft model).”
(45)

In another, he connects the Bride, a “framework–standard arbor,” and a “clockwork apparatus.”
(46)

In Desargues’s way of thinking, an “arbor” or an “axletree” was analogous to an axis of rotation, a mathematical “axle,” around which the elements of his transformative system revolved. In
Duchamp’s descriptions of the complex workings of the Bride, “hinges” operate in comparable ways.

That Desargues was one of Duchamp’s sources can be given further credence by analyzing another important iconographical element of the Bride’s domain, the “nine shots,” an area of the Large Glass that was also reconstructed in 1936.(47) At a conceptual level, the “nine shots” seem to have an “Arguesian” perspectival demeanor.(48) It has recently been noticed that a number of Duchamp’s notes have been split in two.(49)  One of the most interesting instances involves the “nine shots.”
A note included in his posthumously published Notes is the top part of a note published in the Green Box. Taken together, the two parts read as follows:

Make a painting on glass so that it has neither front, nor back; neither top, nor bottom. To use probably as a three-dimensional physical medium in a four-dimensional perspective.
(50)

Shots. From more or less far; on a target. This target in short corresponds to the vanishing point (in perspective). The figure thus obtained will be the projection (through skill) of the principal points of a three-dimensional body. With maximum skill, this projection would be reduced to a point (the target).
With ordinary skill this projection will be a demultiplication of the target. (Each of the new points [images of the target] will have a coefficient of displacement. This coefficient is nothing but a souvenir and can be noted conventionally. The different shots tinted from black to white according to their distance.)
In general, the figure obtained is the visible flattening (a stop on the way) of the demultiplied body. Cannon; match with tip of fresh paint. Repeat this operation 9 times, 3 times by 3 times from the same point: A–3 shots; B–3 shots, C–3 shots. A, B, and C are not in a plane and represent the schema of any object whatever of the demultiplied body.

(51)

Desargues used the unusual term “ordinance” for the orthogonals in a perspective system, the sheaf of lines that recede into the distance toward a vanishing point at the horizon. An “ordinance of lines” (ordonnance de droictes) corresponds to what we would now call a “pencil of lines” in modern geometrical parlance.(52)
Desargues, who had worked as a military engineer, may again have been prone to thinking of the trajectories of cannon shots toward a target as analogues for lines diminishing toward a vanishing point in a perspective system (or toward the vertex of a pencil of lines in a more purely geometrical representation). His term for a vanishing point (or for the vertex in an “ordinance of lines”) is “but.” He uses the expression “but d’une ordonnance,” which can be translated as “butt of an ordinance,” but which is probably more comprehensibly rendered as “target of an ordinance”). Duchamp’s line from the note above, “This target in short corresponds to the vanishing point (in perspective),” reads in French, “Ce but est en somme une correspondance du point du fuite (en perspective).”

(53)


click to enlarge
Pharmacy
Figure 15
Marcel Duchamp, Pharmacy, 1914

Before leaving the potential influence of Desargues’ vocabulary, it might be pointed out that the notion of an “arbor-type” seems to inform several of Duchamp’s readymades. Pharmacy (Fig. 15), chosen in 1914, is a tree-filled landscape with a red and green dot added by Duchamp (at vanishing points?) on the horizon line. In addition to being a reference to the colored bottles in drugstore windows, the colors may also be a subtle reference to the techniques of anaglyphy, a practice related to stereoscopy that we know Duchamp was interested in, probably because of its n-dimensional implications.(54) In the layout of Robert Lebel’s early monograph, a design that Duchamp was largely responsible for, Pharmacy is juxtaposed to the Bottlerack (Fig. 16),
also chosen in 1914. On the facing page are the Network of Stoppages, 1914, and Cemetery of Uniforms and Liveries, No. 2(Fig. 17), 1914, the drawing that Duchamp used to transfer the design of the “capillary tubes” and the “nine malic molds” to the Large Glass.(55) Above Pharmacy and the Bottlerack is Cemetery of Uniforms and Liveries, No. 1 (Fig. 18), which in the more multi-layered French edition of the book, had a color image of Nine Malic Molds (Fig. 19) tipped in over it.(56)

click images to enlarge

  • Bottle Dryer
  • Cemetery of Uniforms
and Liveries , No. 2
  • Figure 16
  • Figure 17
  • Marcel Duchamp,
    Bottle Dryer
    , 1914/1964
  • Marcel Duchamp,
    Cemetery of Uniforms
    and Liveries, No. 2
    , 1914

click images to enlarge

  • Cemetery of Uniforms
and Liveries, No. 1
  • Nine
Malic Molds,
  • Figure 18
  • Figure 19
  • Marcel Duchamp,
    Cemetery of Uniforms
    and Liveries, No. 1
    , 1913
  • Marcel Duchamp,Nine
    Malic Molds
    , 1914-15

####PAGES####


click to enlarge
Duchamp
Figure 20
Photograph of Duchamp, 1942

With Desargues’ terminology such as “tree,” “trunk,” “branch,” and “limb” in mind, these works look positively geometrical. InNetwork of Stoppages, for example, the pattern of lines resemble branches, especially if the painting is rotated ninety degrees clockwise. In the background, the nude woman in “Young Man and Girl in Spring,” the first layer of Network of Stoppages, is then centered in the boughs of the tree. From this perspective, she becomes a precursor for the Bride as an “arbor-type.” In theBottlerack, the prongs appear to be rotated around a central axis (anarbre) and suggest reiterated line segments (rameaux or branches). That these interpretations can be taken seriously is reinforced by an interesting photograph of Duchamp taken in 1942 showing him standing in front of a tree that has been provided with prongs so that it can act as a bottle dryer (Fig. 20). A number of bottles, which have been hung upon this “arbre-séchoir,” can be seen behind Duchamp, and he has a network of linear shadows, which have been cast from the branches of the tree, falling across his face.(57)

The various connections here under discussion can perhaps be made more evident, in the sense of our being able to “see” into Duchamp’s n-dimensional realm, by bringing his important painting Tu m’ (Fig. 21) into the discussion.


click to enlarge
Marcel Duchamp, Tu m'1918
Figure 21
Marcel Duchamp, Tu m’,
1918

This work has “anamorphic” aspects and is closely related to the Three Standard Stoppages, which were used to draw a number of its curving shapes.(58) The shadows of readymades–the Bicycle Wheel, the Corkscrew, and the Hat Rack–stretch out across the surface of the picture plane suggesting an anamorphic transformation. At one level, of course, Tu m’ is about the “shadowy” existence of art objects.(59) The Corkscrew, in fact, exists only as a shadow on this painting. But
on more important levels, the work is about geometry–both Euclidean and non-Euclidean geometry. In addition to these geometries of constant curvature, Duchamp may also have been thinking about topology: some elements in the painting seem to be stretched and pulled, as if they
were elastic.(60)
The shadows of the readymades are themselves distorted transformations, and they are cast onto a surface that seems to be warped and curved, and the space behind the surface is filled with strangely bent geometrical objects.

On the right-hand side of the canvas, there is an irregular, open-sided rectangular “solid.” The left side of this solid is a white surface that recedes into the space of the canvas according to one-point perspective. From each corner of the white surface, two lines, drawn with the templates of the Three Standard Stoppages, extend at more or less right angles toward the right. One of each of these is black and the other red. The black lines at all four edges are drawn with the same template. Each set of lines at the upper boundary of the solid cross one another at two points, and each set are drawn in the same way. The two lines at the lower edges of the solid do not cross one another, and they are rotated and inverted with respect to one another.

There are also a series of color bands (twenty-four in all) extending orthogonally back into the space of the “solid,” or into its virtual shape. They seem to continue on behind it. These bands are connected to the curved line segments that comprise the ambiguous edges of the transparent solid, a volume we could think of as a 3-space with fluctuant, transparent faces. Each of the color bands is surrounded by a number of concentric circles that also recede back into the painting’s virtual space according to one-point perspective. The vanishing point coincides with the bottom edge of the canvas just to the right of center below the indexical hand, which, incidentally, is a hand-painted readymade element executed by a certain A. Klang, a sign painter Duchamp hired to carry out this task. Klang’s minuscule signature is visible near the sleeve.

Duchamp’s complex geometrical arrangement is made even more complex by the shadow of the Hat Rack, which occupies the same region of the canvas as the “solid.” On one level, the Hat Rack resembles a tree, and the shadows cast from its multiple branches suggest yet another “arbor-type.” We know that the Bride is based, in part, on the idea of the cast shadow, “as if it were the projection of a four-dimensional object.”(61)

The way the Hat Rack interacts with the “solid” is indicative of the complexities that would be involved in such spaces: The lines and color bands seem to overlay the shadow, but the shadow seems to overlay the white rectangle at the left side of the “solid.” The shadow can thus be read as both in front of and behind the chunk of space outlined and bounded by the elements of Duchamp’s design.

The spatial complexities of Tu m’ can also be seen in the recession of its orthogonals. They plunge backward in a way that is comparable to the convergence of orthogonals in the Large Glass. In the former, the lines come together just at the lower edge of the painting, in the latter, just at the upper boundary of the Bachelors’ domain. In Tu m’, the vanishing point is where the “solid” (and also its edges drawn with the Three Standard Stoppages) would disappear. In the Large Glass, the point is at the center of the three plates of glass running across the Bride’s horizon. It is where these “lines” would disappear, if rotated ninety degrees. The Bride’s garments, when thus folded up, can be taken as orthogonals to a point of intersection–the intersection of parallel lines at infinity.

In Euclidean geometry, parallel lines do not intersect. The mathematical convention that they do intersect at infinity was one of Desargues’ important contributions. (Parallel lines do seem to intersect at the vanishing point of a perspective system, which may have given Desargues his idea.) Thinking of parallel lines as meeting at infinity eventually contributed to the development of non-Euclidean geometries in the nineteenth century.(62)

The conceptual point where parallel lines meet cannot be seen, any more than the curvature of space can be perceived directly. If the curved lines in theThree Standard Stoppagesare taken as references to non-Euclidean lines of sight, then they are fundamentally hidden in “garments” of the Bride, just as the vanishing point in Tu m’seems to disappear off the edge of its hyperspatial expanse.

The left side of Tu m’ is also complicated. In addition to the shadows of the Bicycle Wheel and the Corkscrew, lines drawn with the templates of the Three Standard Stoppages are placed at the lower left-hand side of the canvas. Each of these line segments is at the edge of three curved surfaces that seem to fall back into the space of the canvas. If these irregular planes are thought of as a “pencil of surfaces” (Desargues uses the term “ordonnance de plans“), they would withdraw downward at more or less right angles to the space of the canvas toward a line of intersection located at an infinite distance. (Desargues says that a sheaf of parallel planes can be imagined converging at an “essieu,” an “axle,” just as an “ordinance of lines” can be imagined intersecting at a “point à une distance infinie.”)

(63)
The edge of the upper member of this pencil of planes is black, and it is drawn with the same “stoppage” that was used at each edge of the rectangular “solid” on the right side of the canvas. The edge of the line segment in the middle register was used as the other line at the edges of the upper boundary, and the edge of the line segment in the lower register was used as the other line at the edges of the lower boundary of the “solid.” The shadow of the Bicycle Wheel seems to overlay this arrangement of superposed curved surfaces. There is also a sequence of flat color squares receding according to a plunging perspective back from the center of the canvas into an infinite space at the upper left corner of the canvas. This arrangement of color squares seems to overlay the shadow of the Bicycle Wheel. In contrast, the shadow of the Corkscrew, which seems to spiral out from the axle of the wheel, overlays the color squares. Reading the shadows as riding on the surface of the actual canvas is thus complicated by their relationships with objects occupying the virtual space depicted “inside” the canvas. Duchamp further emphasizes the spatial oddities of his picture by using various forms of “intersection.” The corkscrew intersects the canvas by seeming to spiral into it; the safety pins pierce the surface of the canvas; and the bottle brush and the bolt go through the front side of the picture and are fastened to it from behind.


click to enlarge
Marcel Duchamp,Tu m'1918
Figure 22
Marcel Duchamp, Tu m’, 1918
(side view)

Duchamp is obviously playing with real and represented objects and with real and represented space in Tu m’. To further complicate the issues, he paints a trompe l’oeiltear in the surface of the canvas, which is held together by the real safety pins. In addition to these ready-made elements, the bottle brush juts out from the tear at right angles to the canvas. As an actual object, a readymade, the bottle brush casts actual shadows that can be contrasted with the virtual shadows of the Bicycle Wheel, the Corkscrew, and the Hat Rack, which Duchamp traced onto the surface with pencil. In terms of its geometry, the bottle brush is really only visible when we look at Tu m’ from the side, at an oblique angle (Fig. 22). When we view the canvas straight on, all we see is the end of the brush. Looking at the canvas from the side also allows us to see the other elements of the painting, and they seem less stretched out, less constrained by the plunging perspective. The shift is particularly apparent in the sequence of color squares at the upper left side of the canvas. In fact, we now notice that these shapes are not really squares, but parallelograms that look more “natural” from the side than from the front.


click to enlarge
Jean-François Nicéron,Thaumaturgus opticus
Figure 23
Jean-François Nicéron,
Thaumaturgus opticus,
1646

Duchamp probably learned something about these kinds of anamorphic effects during the period he was working at the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève in Paris. One of his notes for the Large Glass, which he wrote at this time, suggests consulting the library’s collection: “Perspective. See the catalogue of the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève. The whole section on perspective: Nicéron (Father J.-F.), Thaumaturgus opticus.”(64) Many of the books on perspective available to Duchamp at the library deal with the unusual, or “aberrant,” systems used in anamorphosis. These include works by Father Jean-François Nicéron, whom Duchamp mentions by name in his note.(65)
One of Nicéron’s images from Thaumaturgus opticus (Fig. 23) is evocative of Tu m’, especially if the
sketch is fully extended (the left-hand side of the upper part continues at the right-hand side of the lower part).
(66)

Thus reconnected, the long, narrow dimensions of the image approximate those of Tu m’. Duchamp may also have seen a similarity here between the string held by the assistant in the left-hand part of the drawing and the segments of string in Three Standard Stoppages. In Nicéron’s illustration, as in perspective drawings generally, the curling end of the line is meant to indicate that it is a thread used in the construction of the image, rather than being an integral element of the imagery.


click to enlarge
The French Ambassadors of King
Henri II
Figure 24
Hans Holbein the Younger,
The French Ambassadors of King
Henri II at the court of the
English King Henry VIII
, 1533

Duchamp’s thread is more complex. The strings in theThree Standard Stoppagesare themselves spaces, one-dimensional spaces, and they are intended to indicate a more difficult geometry than the one Nicéron had in mind. But Duchamp’s manner of taking an oblique view and his interest in observing a scene through a visual system rotated away from normal space, is very similar to the way Nicéron turns his outstretched images onto the wall. Duchamp’s (and Nicéron’s) procedure is also reminiscent of Hans Holbein’s famous portrait, The French Ambassadors (Fig. 24), in which a distended skull crosses the picture plane at more or less right-angles to the orthogonals of the perspective system used to construct the painting.(67)The French Ambassadorsis a favorite
image among postmodernists, primarily because it brings together two different ways of looking at objects in one picture.(68)The primary visual order, the three-dimensional space of the scientific perspective, is undermined by the anomalous skull falling across it. The abnormal space of the death’s head interpenetrates the normal space where the ambassadors live, casting a shadow across their existence. It also displaces the dominant viewing subject from a position in front of the painting to one at the side–to a position that is essentially outside the picture’s frame of reference.(69)
As the skull comes into adjustment, the painting becomes distorted, and vice versa. Jean Clair has discussed Tu m’ in terms comparable to those just used to describe Holbein’s painting. He points out that, when looked at obliquely, “the shadows of the readymades and the design of the parallelepiped straighten up.”(70) He also notices the way in which the bottle brush seems to rotate out from the surface of the canvas, changing from a “dot,” or point, into “no more than a line.” According to Clair, the function of the bottle brush is similar to that of the skull in Holbein’s picture: namely, “to expose the vanity of the painting.But this time of all paintings.”(71)

We can amplify Clair’s remarks by pointing out that, as we move to the side of Tu m’, the surface of the picture is visually rotated. If we were able to continue on around the picture in order to look at it edge on, the surface would be reduced to a line segment, from which the “line segment” of the bottle brush would extend at a right angle. The bottle brush is a readymade, a counterpart of an orthogonal, one that comes out into our space rather than receding into the space of the painting. The sequence of color squares, apparently attached to the surface of the canvas with the bolt, would presumably be receding in the opposite direction along the axis of the shaft (the axle) of the bolt back into the space of the canvas, which as we move to the side, is not only flattened into a two-dimensional surface, but further reduced to a one-dimensional line segment. Clair’s statement that as the “painting vanishes, the readymade makes its appearance,” is quite true. We could also say that the actual readymade (the bottle brush) makes its appearance as the virtual readymades and their shadows disappear. And vice versa: as the real elements of the work vanish, the virtual elements reappear.

A similar language could be used to describe the intersection of the strings with the glass plates of the Three Standard Stoppages. They trail off at right-angles, as it were, along lines that are orthogonal to the canvas strips, as if they had been rotated out of the virtual space of the “Prussian blue” into the actual space of the canvases. If the strings are analogous to “lines of sight,” they are like threads lying “in” the surface of the perspectival plane, as we have seen in Desargues’ perspective renderings (Figs. 13 and 14) or in Nicéron’s illustration (Fig. 23). In this sense, the strings can be taken as anamorphic lines crossing the representational space of the sheets of glass. Recall what Duchamp’s space was intended to show: his glass has “neither front, nor back; neither top, nor bottom,” and it can be used as a “three-dimensional physical medium” in the construction of a “four-dimensional perspective.” In the Large Glass and the Three Standard Stoppages, Duchamp was both literally and figuratively boxing and encasing the geometrical elements of his iconography–inside glass and inside an n-dimensional projective system. With Tu m’, he was also enclosing the basic elements of his own working method, and, indeed, the basic elements of painting as a general practice, inside a complex pictorial space, one with unusual curvatures.

Duchamp’s works such as the ones I have discussed in this paper, with their various projections and intersections, each in their turn folding up into the next, suggest that he was thinking about different kinds of geometries. Henri Poincaré, among the artist’s most likely mathematical sources, often discusses the interrelationships of geometries.(72)

Projective geometry, which was prefigured in Renaissance perspective and initially elaborated in the work of such seventeenth-century mathematicians as Desargues and Blaise Pascal,(73)
was later, during the nineteenth century, recognized as being central to mathematics in general. By the end of the century, both Euclidean and non-Euclidean geometry had been subsumed under the principles of projective geometry.
(74)

Projective geometry deals with properties of geometrical figures that remain invariant under transformation. It studies mappings of one figure onto another brought about by projection and section, and it tries to find qualities that remain fixed during these procedures (Desargues’ Theorem and Pascal’s Theorem describe famous examples). Twentieth-century mathematicians have invented methods of transformation that are even more general than projection and section. One of the most important of these approaches, topology, considers geometrical properties of figures that are unchanged while these figures undergo deformations such as stretching and bending. Especially in the context of the present discussion, Poincaré can be thought of as the “father
of modern topology,” (75) a subject that he referred to as analysis situs (Latin for “analysis of the site”; “topology” coming from the Greek equivalent for “study of the place”). He points out that this geometry “gives rise to a series of theorems just as closely interconnected as those of Euclid.”
(76)

Duchamp’s Tu m’ can very nearly serve as an illustration for Poincaré’s arguments. As pointed out earlier, the elongated shadows can be taken as anamorphic deformations, and thus as references to topological transformations with four-dimensional, or more generally, n-dimensional ramifications (branchings), particularly insofar as anamorphic projections seem to intersect normal space at oblique angles. In ways that are like Holbein’s famous skull, the cast shadows in Tu m’ seem to traverse the space of the picture and, in this sense, they are orthogonal to it (shadows are literally orthogonal to the surfaces on which they are cast). From the perspective of the fourth dimension, the strings in Three Standard Stoppages can also be interpreted as falling away from normal space along perpendicular lines, at least insofar as they plummet toward the horizon of the Bride. Duchamp’s cast shadows, and perhaps his cast segments of strings, are projective analogies for higher-dimensional spaces. His general approach can be seen in the following note:

For an ordinary eye, a point in a three-dimensional space hides, conceals the fourth direction of the continuum–which is to say that this eye can try to perceive physically this fourth direction by going around the said point. From whatever angle it looks at the point, this point will always be the border line of the fourth direction–just as an ordinary eye going around a mirror will never be able to perceive anything but the reflected three-dimensional image and nothing from behind.(77)

Looked at “edge-on,” in the sense of being seen undergoing an n-dimensional rotation, the individual “stoppages” can be taken as trailing off into the fourth direction of what Duchamp
calls the “étendue.”(78)From such a perspective, they would be perceived as points. The viewer equipped with a four-dimensional visual system, to use Duchamp’s words, would be able to ascertain that a “point” is always a “border line” of this “fourth direction.” At the center of the Bride’s garments, the Stoppages recede anamorphically into the labyrinth of the fourth dimension, a space that is orthogonal to normal space. Duchamp was probably aware that in descriptions of n-dimensional geometry, when n is greater than 3, the convention is to say that planes intersect at points, unlike what happens in three-dimensional space where, of course, they intersect along lines.(79) The curvature of the string does not really affect this n-dimensional argument since curvature depends upon whether or not the space is Euclidean, non-Euclidean, or whatever.(80) We can, in a sense, choose the space to have any curvature we want.(81)

In Tu m’, readymades cast shadows onto the surface of the painting, but these shadows do more than ride on the surface. As we have seen, they are interlocked in curious ways with the entities depicted in the space of the picture, convolutions that indicate Duchamp was interested in the readymades and their shadows as geometrical objects. The shadows themselves have perspectival implications and topological associations; and they are obviously seen differently under changing angles of view. As we walk “around” the picture, it presents shifting aspects. In Tu m’, and, indeed, in most of his works, Duchamp was interested in exploring both actual viewpoint and philosophical point of view, as well as the effects of the two acting together.

Such consequences were apparently on Duchamp’s mind when he chose readymades: bicycle wheels, corkscrews, and hat racks were works of art depending upon how they were perceived. He was involved with a discourse of surface (and reflective surface) in many of his works (often using glass and mirror in their construction). Because projective analogies such as shadows and falling pieces of string can be related to several different geometries, not just to n-dimensional Euclidean, or for that matter n-dimensional non-Euclidean geometry, Duchamp can entail other regimes of meaning into his system. Within any given framework, one which might, say, be used to interpret theThree Standard Stoppages, Network of Stoppages, Tu m’, the Large Glass, Nine Malic Molds, or the readymades, Duchamp understood that the implications of choosing one standpoint over another were manifold (and the etymological associations of this last term are germane here).(82)

Duchamp believed that, just as how we use a particular geometry to interpret the shape of the world is largely a matter of discretion, as Poincaré argued, so too is our choice of the interpretive frameworks that we use in making our aesthetic judgments. As an artist, Duchamp was engaged in self-referential, contemplative activities. He tried to look at himself seeing, and by so doing, to dislocate himself from the center of his own perspective.

Interview with Francis Roberts1. Interview with Francis Roberts, “I Propose to Strain the Laws of Physics,”Art News 67 (December 1968): 62.

 

Footnote Return 2.Marcel Duchamp, Salt Seller: The Writings of Marcel Duchamp (Marchand du Sel), ed. Michel Sanouillet and Elmer Peterson (New York:Oxford University Press, 1973) 33.

 

Footnote Return 3.In a note included in the Box of 1914, Duchamp says that “the Three Standard Stoppages are the meter diminished.”Ibid., 22.

 

Footnote Return 4.Interview with Katherine Kuh, The Artist’s Voice: Talks with Seventeen Artists (New York: Harper & Row, 1960), 81.

 

Footnote Return 5.The Network of Stoppages and its relationship to the Large Glass is explained by Richard Hamilton, The Almost Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp (London: Arts Council of Great Britain,1966), 49: “The curved lines are drawn using each template of the Standard Stoppages three times, once in each of the three groups. It was Duchamp’s intention to photograph the canvas from an angle in order to put the lines into the perspective required for the Large Glass–a means of overcoming the difficulty of transferring the amorphous curves through normal perspective projection. Photography did not prove up to the assignment and a perspective drawing had to be made.”

 

Footnote Return 6. Linda Dalrymple Henderson, Duchamp in Context: Science and Technology in the “Large Glass” and Related Works (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998) 63, 105; she credits Ulf Linde with drawing her attention to the different colors of the glass plates; see his Marcel Duchamp (Stockholm: Rabén and Sjögren, 1986) 138.

 

Footnote Return 7. Ulf Linde, “MARiée CELibataire,” in Walter Hopps, Ulf Linde, and Arturo Schwarz, Marcel Duchamp: Ready-Mades, etc. (1913-1964) (Paris: Le Terrain Vague, 1964), 48; see also Arturo Schwarz, The Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp (New York: Abrams, 1970) 463. Henderson (cited n. 6) 105, quotes this passage from Linde in her interpretation of the Bride’s “clothing” as a condenser.

 

Footnote Return 8.Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 22, 33.

 

Footnote Return 9.This important discovery was made recently by Rhonda Roland Shearerand Stephen Jay Gould; see their essay “Hidden in Plain Sight:Duchamp’s Three Standard Stoppages, More Truly a `Stoppage'(An Invisible Mending) Than We Ever Realized,” Tout-Fait:The Marcel Duchamp Studies Online Journal 1, no. 1 (December1999) News <http://www.toutfait.com/duchamp.jsp?postid=677&keyword=.

 

Footnote Return 10.See Craig Adcock, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes from the “Large Glass”: An N-Dimensional Analysis (Ann Arbor, Mich.:UMI Research Press, 1983) esp. 135-46, 189-90; see also, idem,”Marcel Duchamp’s `Instantanés’: Photography and the EventStructure of the Ready-Mades,” in “Event” Arts and Art Events, ed. Stephen C. Foster (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1988) 239-66.

 

Footnote Return 11.Duchamp’s Three Standard Stoppages and Marey’s chronophotographs are discussed by Jean Clair, Duchamp et la photographie: Essai d’analyse d’un primat technique sur le développement d’une oeuvre (Paris: Éditions du Chêne, 1977) 26-28, 52. For statements by Duchamp about chronophotography, see his interviews with James Johnson Sweeney, “Eleven Europeans in America,” Museum of Modern Art Bulletin 13 (1946): 19-21, reprinted in Duchamp, Salt Seller, 123-26; and with Pierre Cabanne, Dialogues with Marcel Duchamp, trans. Ron Padgett (New York: Viking Press, 1971) 34. For Marey’s work, see Étienne-Jules Marey, Le Mouvement (Paris: G. Masson, Éditeur, 1894).

 

Footnote Return 12.Schwarz (cited n. 7) 444, says that Duchamp’s chose his title after seeing a sign on a Parisian shop advertizing “stoppage”; see also Francis Naumann, The Mary and William Sisler Collection (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1984) 168-71. Jennifer Gough-Cooper and Jacques Caumont, “Ephemerides on and about Marcel Duchamp and Rrose Sélavy, 1887-1968,” in Marcel Duchamp: Work and Life, ed. Pontus Hulten (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993), in their entry for May 19, 1914, have suggested that the sign read “stoppages et talons,” which would imply fixing holes in the heels (talons) of socks and stockings.

 

Footnote Return 13.Robert Lebel, Marcel Duchamp, with texts by André Breton and H.-P. Roché, trans. George Heard Hamilton (New York: Grove Press, 1959) 54.

 

Footnote Return 14.In an interview with James Johnson Sweeney filmed at the Philadelphia Museum of Art and broadcast as part of the “Wisdom” series on NBC television in January 1956, Duchamp himself put forward a similar argument: “I like the cracks, the way they fall. You remember how it happened in 1926, in Brooklyn? They put the two panes on top of one another on a truck, flat, not knowing what they were carrying, and bounced for sixty miles into Connecticut, and that’s the result! But the more I look at it the more I like the cracks: they are not like shattered glass. They have a shape. There is a symmetry in the cracking, the two crackings are symmetrically arranged and there is more, almost an intention there, an extra–a curious intention that I am not responsible for, a ready-made intention, in other words, that I respect and love.” “A Conversation with Marcel Duchamp,” reprinted in Duchamp,Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 127-37, the quote is from p. 127. The Large Glass was on view at the “International Exhibition of Modern Art” at the Brooklyn Museum between November 17, 1926, and January 9, 1927. It thus must have been broken on its way back to Katherine S. Dreier’s home in West Redding, Connecticut, in early 1927, rather than in 1926 as Duchamp says.

 

Footnote Return 15.Interview with Cabanne (cited n. 11) 75: “It’s a lot better with the breaks, a hundred times better. It’s the destiny of things.” See also Mark B. Pohlad, “`Macaroni Repaired is Ready for Thursday . . .’: Marcel Duchamp as Conservator,” Tout-Fait: The Marcel Duchamp Studies Online Journal 1, no. 3 (December 2002) Articles <http://www.toutfait.com/duchamp.jsp?postid=910&keyword=>.

 

16.Henderson (cited n. 6) discusses the Bride’s “garments” and their relationship with the Three Standard Stoppages in terms of “telegraphy,” comparing the glass plates in these works to such devices as condensers and insulators; see especially her chap. 8, “The Large Glass as a Painting of Electromagnetic Frequency.”

 

Footnote Return 17.Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 39.

Footnote Return 18.Marcel Duchamp, Notes, ed. and trans. Paul Matisse (Paris: Centre Georges Pompidou, 1980), no. 154.

 

Footnote Return 19.Marcel Duchamp, Notes, ed. and trans. Paul Matisse (Paris:Centre Georges Pompidou, 1980), no. 154.
 

Footnote Return 20.For a more complete discussion of these ideas, see Craig Adcock, “Conventionalism in Henri Poincaré and Marcel Duchamp,” Art Journal 44 (fall 1984): 249-58; see also idem, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes (cited n. 10) 149-54.
 

Footnote Return 21.Ecke Bonk, Marcel Duchamp, The Box in a Valise: de ou par Marcel Duchamp ou Rrose Sélavy, trans. David Britt (New York: Rizzoli, 1989) 216-20. See also the letters Duchamp sent to Dreier during late 1935 and early 1936 in Affectionately, Marcel: The Selected Correspondence of Marcel Duchamp, ed. Francis M. Naumann and Hector Obalk (Ghent and Amsterdam: Ludion Press, 2000) 199-207.
 

Footnote Return 22.For a discussion of Duchamp’s approach, along somewhat different lines, see Craig Adcock, “Duchamp’s Way: Twisting Our Memory of the Past `For the Fun of It,'” in The Definitively
Unfinished Marcel Duchamp
, ed. Thierry de Duve (Halifax: Nova Scotia College of Art and Design; Cambridge and London: MIT Press, 1991) 311-34.

 

Footnote Return 23.Interview Kuh (cited n. 4) 92.

   

Footnote Return 24.Interview with Cabanne (cited 11) 75.

 

Footnote Return 25.Duchamp, Duchamp du Signe (cited n. 18) 50.

 

Footnote Return 26.Esprit Pascal Jouffret, Traité élémentaire de géométrie à quatre dimensions et introduction à la géométrie à n dimensions (Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1903), xxviii. For a more detailed discussion of Jouffret’s usage and its importance for Duchamp’s concept of inframince, see Adcock, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes (cited n. 10) 48-55.

 

Footnote Return 27. Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2), 88. For more detailed analyses of Duchamp’s use of glass and mirror as metaphors for four-dimensional perspective, see Adcock, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes (cited n. 10), esp. 75-79, 146-49; also idem, “Geometrical Complication in the Art of Marcel Duchamp,” Arts Magazine 58 (January 1984): 105-09

 

Footnote Return 28.Interview with Cabanne (cited n. 11) 47.

 

Footnote Return 29.Ibid., 38.

 

Footnote Return 30.Duchamp, Notes (cited n. 19) no. 139; see also no.153.

 

Footnote Return 31.See Henderson (cited n. 6) 63: “The Stoppages‘ arrangement of one clear and two greenish glass plates parallels exactly that of the glass strips mounted on the Large Glass: the top strip is clear and the two below are greenish in hue. Because Duchamp located the Bride’s “Clothing” at the midsection of the Glass, the gravity-drawn thread lines of the Stoppages may have become for him a metonymical sign for the fallen garment of the Bride.”

 

Footnote Return 32.Linde, “MARiée CELibataire” (cited n. 7) 60; Arturo Schwarz (cited n. 7, p. 463) says that Duchamp related Traveler’s Folding Item to a “feminine skirt.” See also Molly Nesbit and Naomi Sawelson-Gorse, “Concept of Nothing: New Notes by Marcel Duchamp and Walter Arensberg,” The Duchamp Effect: Essays, Interviews, Round Table, ed. Martha Buskirk and Mignon Nixon (Cambridge, Mass., and London: MIT Press, 1996) 131-75. For a number of fascinating connections between Duchamp’s Traveler’s Folding Item and the world at large, see Rhonda Roland Shearer, “Marcel Duchamp: A Readymade Case for Collecting Objects of Our Cultural Heritage along with Works of Art,” Tout-Fait: The Marcel Duchamp Studies Online Journal 1, no. 3 (December 2000) Collections <http://www.toutfait.com/duchamp.jsp?postid=1090&keyword=>.

 

Footnote Return 33.Interview with Roberts (cited n. 1) 62.

 

Footnote Return 34.Hilary Putnam, for example, has said that “the overthrow of Euclidean geometry is the most important event in the history of science for the epistemologist.” See his Mathematics, Matter and Method, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), x.

 

Footnote Return 35.For one of the most complete discussions of Desargues’ work and for the most reliable translations of his texts, see J. V. Field and J. J. Gray, The Geometrical Work of Girard Desargues (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1987). Desargues’ principal essay on projective geometry is Brouillon proiect d’une atteinte aux evenemens des rencontres du Cone avec un Plan (Paris, 1639); his earlier work on perspective, is entitled Exemple de l’une des manieres universelles du S.G.D.L. touchant la pratique de la perspective sans emploier aucun tiers point, de distance ny d’autre nature, qui foit hors du champ de l’ouvrage (Paris, 1636). “S.G.D.L.” is an abbreviation for “Sieur Girard Desargues Lyonnais.” This twelve page brochure included the two high-quality engraved illustrations reproduced here, which are almost certainly by Abraham Bosse (1602-1676); see J. V. Field, The Invention of Infinity: Mathematics and Art in the Renaissance (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1997) 192. Desarques’ perspective treatise was included as an appendix in Bosse’s Maniere universelle de Mr. Desargues, pour pratiquer la perspective par petit-pied, comme le Geometral (Paris, 1648)

 

Footnote Return 36.For a discussion of this trend, see Martin Kemp, “Geometrical Perspective from Brunelleschi to Desargues: A Pictorial Means or an Intellectual End?” Proceedings of the British Academy 70 (1984): 89-132.

 

Footnote Return 37.Field (cited n. 35) 192-95.

 

Footnote Return 38.Erwin Panofsky, Perspective as Symbolic Form, trans. Christopher S. Wood (New York: Zone Books, 1991); originally published as “Die Perspektive als `symbolische Form,'” in Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg, 1924-1925 (Leipzig and Berlin, 1927) 258-330. For a discussion of Panofsky’s contributions to perspective studies, particularly strong in its analysis of sources, see Kim Veltman, “Panofsky’s Perspective: A Half Century Later,” in La Prospettiva rinascimentale: Codificazione e trasgressioni, vol. 1, ed. Marisa Dalai Emiliani (Florence: Centro Di, 1980) 565-84.

 

Footnote Return 39.Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 42: “This cinematic blossoming, which expresses the moment of the stripping, should be grafted onto an arbor-type of the bride. This arbor-type has its roots in the desire-gears, but the cinematic effects of the electrical stripping, transmitted to the motor with quite feeble cylinders, leave (plastic necessity) the arbor-type at rest. (Graphically, in Munich I had already made two studies of this arbor type.) Do not touch the desire-gears, which by giving birth to the arbor-type, find within this arbor-type the transmission of the desire to the blossoming into stripping, voluntarily imagined by the bride desiring.”

 

Footnote Return 40.J. V. Field, “Linear Perspective and the ProjectiveGeometry of Girard Desargues,” Nuncius 2,no. 2 (1987): 3-40.

 

Footnote Return 41.Henderson (cited n. 6) does not refer to Desargues in her discussion of the Bride as an “arbor-type.” She argues that because an “arbor” is an “axle,” Duchamp’s usage should be interpreted as a reference to such devices as the shafts in automobile transmissions or electrical generators. I completely agree that Duchamp could have had these kinds of associations in mind along with his taking an “arbre” to refer to a geometrical axis of rotation.

 

Footnote Return 42.Field and Gray (cited n. 35) 61-175.

 

Footnote Return 43.Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 27; see also idem, Duchamp du Signe (cited n. 18) 42.

 

Footnote Return 44.Field, “Linear Perspective and the Projective Geometry of Girard Desargues” (cited n. 40) 21.

 

Footnote Return 45.Duchamp, Notes (cited n. 19) no. 57.

 

Footnote Return 46.Ibid., no. 155.

 

Footnote Return 47.There are two new sections in the upper right corner of the Large Glass with holes drilled through them to create the “nine shots.” In photographs of the Large Glass taken at the Brooklyn Museum in 1926-27, the “nine shots” are not visible. Duchamp may have incorporated them into the Glass when he was repairing it in 1936.

 

Footnote Return 48. “Arguesian” would be the adjectival counterpart of “Cartesian.” René Descartes (1596-1650) and Desargues (1593-1662) were almost exact contemporaries and communicated with one another about mathematical matters; see Field, Invention of Infinity (cited n. 35) 190-97; see also René Taton, L’Oeuvre mathématique de G. Desargues: Textes publiés et commentés avec une introduction biographique et historique, 2d rev. ed. (Lyon: Institut Interdisciplinaire d’Etudes Epistémologiques, distributed by the Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Paris, 1988).

 

Footnote Return 49.I am indebted to Hector Obalk for drawing this connection (or reconnection) to my attention in his talk “What Is an Object? The Belated Career of the Readymade,” at the interdisciplinary colloquium “Methods of Understanding in Art and Science: the Case of Duchamp and Poincaré,” Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, November 7, 1999.

 

Footnote Return 50.Duchamp, Notes (cited n. 19) no. 67.

 

Footnote Return 51.Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 35.

 

Footnote Return 52.Field, Invention of Infinity (cited n. 37)197; see also Field and Gray (cited n. 35) 60-68.

 

Footnote Return 53.Duchamp, Duchamp du Signe (cited n. 18) 54.

 

Footnote Return 54.See Adcock, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes (cited n.10) 130-32.

 

Footnote Return 55.Lebel (cited n. 13) 132-33.

 

Footnote Return 56.Robert Lebel, Sur Marcel Duchamp, with textsby André Breton and H.-P. Roché (Paris and London:Éditions Trianon, 1958); a facsimile edition ofthis book was published by the Centre Georges Pompidou,Paris, in 1996.

 

Footnote Return 57.This photograph appears in Robert Lebel, “Dernière soirée avec Marcel Duchamp,” L’Oeil (Paris) no. 167 (November 1968): 18-21; also reproduced in the supplement “Marcel Duchamp et Robert Lebel” in the facsimile edition of Sur Marcel Duchamp (cited n. 56); see also Gough-Cooper and Caumont (cited n. 12), under their entry for April 29, 1942. The photograph was taken just before Duchamp left France for the United States. Mirroring the famous movie script, he sailed from Marseilles to Casablanca, and from there to Lisbon and then to New York, arriving on June 25. See Jennifer Gough-Cooper and Jacques Caumont, Plan pour ecrire une vie de Marcel Duchamp, vol. 1, Marcel Duchamp catalogue (Paris: Centre National d’Art et de Culture Georges Pompidou, Musée National d’Art Moderne, 1977) 23.

 

Footnote Return 58.Bonk (cited n. 21) 218, argues that Duchamp fashioned the templates for the Three Standard Stoppages in 1918 when he was working on Tu m’ and needed to draw their curvatures several times. This chronology would mean that he used something other than the templates, perhaps tracing paper or some other means, to draw the lines in Network of Stoppages in 1914. See also Duchamp’s correspondence with Katherine S. Dreier in Affectionately, Marcel (cited n. 21) 199-207.

 

Footnote Return 59.For a more detailed discussion of Duchamp’s use of shadows on Tu m’, see Adcock, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes (cited n. 10) 41-49. For a more traditional approach, but nonetheless interesting for Duchamp’s work, see Thomas Da Costa Kaufmann, “The Perspective of Shadows: The History of the Theory of Shadow Projection,”Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 38 (1975): 258-87.

 

Footnote Return 60.For a more detailed discussion of Tu m’ in relation to non-Euclidean geometry and topology, see Adcock, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes (cited n. 10) 55-58, 101-02.

 

Footnote Return 61.Interview with Cabanne (cited n. 12) 40.

 

Footnote Return 62.Kemp (cited n. 36) 123-24, points out that Desargues’ discussion of conic sections “helped sow the seeds of non-Euclidian geometry, but was only to be fully taken up by Poncelet in the nineteenth century. Vital steps in the development of new postulates appear to have been taken independently by Kepler and Desargues. The new geometry challenged central assumptions of Euclidian theory. Straight lines came to be interpreted as equivalent to circles which possess radiuses of infinite length, and parallel lines regarded as meeting at infinity.” For the contributions of Poncelet and Kepler alluded to here by Kemp, see Jean-Victor Poncelet, Traité des propriétés projectives des figures (Paris, 1822); Johannes Kepler, Ad Vitellionem paralipomena quibus astronomiae pars optica traditur (1604); a translation of this last work is included in an appendix, “Kepler’s Invention of Points at Infinity,” in Field and Gray (cited n. 35) 185-88.

 

Footnote Return 63.See Field and Gray (cited n. 35) 60-72.

 

Footnote Return 64.Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 86.

 

Footnote Return 65.Jean-François Nicéron, Thaumaturgus opticus (Paris, 1646); Stephen Jay Gould and Rhonda Roland Shearer, “Drawing the Maxim from the Minim: The Unrecognized Source of Nicéron’s Influence upon Duchamp,”Tout-Fait: The Marcel Duchamp Studies Online Journal 1, no. 3 (December 2000), argue that Duchamp is very likely to have also used Nicéron’s earlier French edition, which contains material not included in the Latin edition; see Jean-François Nicéron, La Perspective curieuse, ou magie artificielle des effets merveilleux (Paris, 1638) News <http://www.toutfait.com/duchamp.jsp?postid=896&keyword=>. For an interesting discussion of the ways in which epistemological perspective can affect the interpretation of data, see David Magnus, “Down the Primrose Path: Competing Epistemologies in Early Twentieth-Century Biology,” in Biology and Epistemology, ed. Richard Creath and Jane Maienschein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 91-121.

 

Footnote Return 66. For a discussion of Nicéron’s image, see Martin Kemp, The Science of Art: Optical Themes in Western Art from Brunelleschi to Seurat (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990) 210-11; Kemp does not mention Duchamp or Tu m’. Nicéron’s illustration was also included in La perspective curieuse, pl. 33; see Kim H. Veltman, in collaboration with Kenneth D. Keele, Linear Perspective and the Visual Dimensions of Science and Art, Studies on Leonardo da Vinci I (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1986) 164-65.

 

Footnote Return 67.For a discussion of this painting, see Jurgis Baltrušaitis, Anamorphic Art, trans. W. J. Strachan (New York: Abrams, 1977) 91-114; for interesting analyses of anamorphosis, see Fred Leeman, Hidden Images: Games of Perception, Anamorphic Art and Illusion from the Renaissance to the Present, trans. Ellyn Childs Allison and Margaret L. Kaplan (New York: Abrams, 1976); see also Kim H. Veltman, “Perspective, Anamorphosis, and Vision,” Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenshaft 21 (1986): 93-117.

 

Footnote Return 68.Holbein’s painting is discussed by Jacques Lacan, The Seminar of Jacques Lacan, Book XI: The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques-Alain Miller; trans. Alan Sheridan (New York and London: W. W. Norton, 1981) 88; see also Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1994) 48, 362-64; and Tom Conley, “The Wit of the Letter: Holbein’s Lacan,” in Vision in Context: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Sight, ed. Teresa Brennan and Martin Jay (New York and London: Routledge, 1996) 45-60.

 

Footnote Return 69.Dalia Judovitz, in a discussion of René Descartes’s interests in both “normal” and “aberrant” perspective systems, makes a similar point about Holbein’s image; see her essay “Vision, Representation, and Technology in Descartes,” in Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision, ed. David Michael Levin (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1993) 66-67. Judovitz discusses Tu m’ in her book Unpacking Duchamp: Art in Transit (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1995) 221-26, but does not discuss the painting’s anamorphic characteristics.

 

Footnote Return 70.Jean Clair, “Duchamp and the Classical Perspectivists,”Artforum 16 (March 1978): 40-49, the quote is from p. 47.

 

Footnote Return 71.Ibid., emphasis in the original; see also Clair’s essay, “Marcel Duchamp et la tradition des perspecteurs,” in Abécédaire, vol. 3, Marcel Duchamp catalogue (Paris: Centre National d’Art et de Culture Georges Pompidou, Musée National d’Art Moderne, 1977) 52-59.

 

Footnote Return 72.See Adcock, “Conventionalism in Henri Poincaré and Marcel Duchamp” (cited n. 20) 257.

 

Footnote Return 73. For an early discussion of these mathematicians in the context of art history, see William M. Ivins, Jr., “Desargues and Pascal,” chap. 8 in Art & Geometry: A Study in Space Intuitions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1946).

 

Footnote Return 74.Morris Kline, Mathematical Thought from Ancient to Modern Times (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972) 285-301, 834-60; see also idem, “Projective Geometry,” in Mathematics in the Modern World, Readings fromScientific American, ed. Morris Kline (San Francisco and London: W. H. Freeman, 1968) 122-27.

 

Footnote Return 75.For an accessible source that refers to Poincaré in these terms, see Albert W. Tucker and Herbert S. Bailey, Jr., “Topology,” in Mathematics in the Modern World, Readings from Scientific American, ed. Morris Kline (San Francisco and London: W. H. Freeman, 1968) 134-40.

 

Footnote Return 76.Henri Poincaré, Mathematics and Science: Last Essays,trans. John W. Bolduc (New York: Dover, 1963) 58-59.

 

Footnote Return 77.Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 91.

 

 

Footnote Return 78.The complexities of the four-dimensional continuum are suggested by the following passage from the only note in the Green Box with a specific reference to a higher space (Duchamp’s term is “étendue 4” in the original French): “As there is gradually less differentiation from axis to axis, i.e., as all the axes gradually disappear in a fading verticality, the front and the back, the reverse and the obverse acquire a circular significance: the right and the left, which are the four arms of the front and the back, melt along the verticals. The interior and exterior (in a four-dimensional continuum) can receive a similar identification.” See Duchamp, Salt Seller (cited n. 2) 29; idem, Duchamp du Signe (cited n. 18) 45.

 

Footnote Return 79.A modern way of putting this matter would be to say: “Two planes having a common point have at least one more common point. If this is satisfied, the space must be three-dimensional; if it is not satisfied, so that there are two planes with a unique common point, then the space is at least four-dimensional.” Encyclopaedia of Mathematics, s.v. “Higher-Dimensional Geometry,” by A. D. Aleksandrov. For a more sophisticated definition, see H. S. M. Coxeter, Introduction to Geometry (New York and London: John Wiley & Sons, 1961) 185-86.

 

Footnote Return 80.There are a large number of possibilities. One of the textbooks that I have on my shelves begins with the following statement: “From the beginnings of geometry until well into the nineteenth century it was almost universally accepted that the geometry of the space we live in is the only geometry conceivable by man. This point of view was most eloquently formulated by the German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724-1804). Ironically, shortly after Kant’s death the discovery of non-Euclidean geometry by Gauss, Lobachevski, and Bolyai made his position untenable. Today, we study in mathematics not just one geometry, or two geometries, but an infinity of geometries.” Albrecht Beutelspacher and Ute Rosenbaum, Projective Geometry: From Foundations to Applications(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 1.

 

Footnote Return 81.For one of the best discussions of the kinds of issues this statement raises, see Graham Nerlich, The Shape of Space, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

 

Footnote Return 82.

A generalized mathematical “surface” is a “manifold” and can have any number of dimensions. It can also have any number of curvatures. This important way of thinking about geometrical configurations is due to Bernhard Riemann (1826-1866) and is customarily referred to as “Riemannian Geometry.” This sense of “Riemannian Geometry” can be distinguished from the sense used to refer to his prior invention of a specific (ungeneralized) non-Euclidean geometry with constant positive curvature, customarily referred to as “Riemann Geometry” or elliptical geometry; see Peter Petersen, Riemannian Geometry (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1998). In a questionaire about the Three Standard Stoppages in the archives of the Museum of Modern Art in New York dated 1953 (the year the work entered their collection), Duchamp said that the assemblage was “a humorous application of Riemann’s post-Euclidean geometry which was devoid of straight lines” (see Naumann, cited n. 12, p. 170). That Duchamp used the term “post-Euclidean,” rather than simply “non-Euclidean,” indicates that he may very well have been sophisticated enough to have understood the distinctions under discussion here.

 

Figs. 20-22
©2003 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris. All rights reserved.




Duchamp, May 24, 2003 London: Study day at Tate Gallery

Saturday 24 May 1.00 PM – 6.00 PM

Marcel Duchamp began to make The Bride Stripped Bare by her Bachelors, Even (or the Large Glass) in New York in September 1915 and continued to work on it at intervals until he set out for a trip to Europe in February 1923, when he pronounced it definitively unfinished. In 1926 it was shattered and was eventually repaired in 1936 by Duchamp.

click to enlarge

 

The Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelors

 

Replica of The Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelor

 

Marcel Duchamp, The Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelors, Even [a.k.a. The Large Glass], 1915-23

 

Replica of The Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelors, Even [a.k.a. The Large Glass] (1915-23) by Richard Hamilton, 1965

 

The Large Glass on display in the current exhibition at Tate Britain, “Days Like These,” is a replica made by Richard Hamilton. In 1966 Hamilton had been asked to organise a major retrospective exhibition of Duchamp’s work to be held at the Tate Gallery. As it was impossible to borrow the original because of its fragility, Hamilton decided that he would like to make a full-scale replica. He deliberately avoided making a copy of the present appearance of the Large Glass and reproduced the severe deterioration which had occurred. When Marcel Duchamp came to London for the opening of his exhibition, he agreed to sign it and inscribed it on the back “Richard Hamilton / pour copie conformé / Marcel Duchamp /1965.”

This Study Day is a discussion forum considering the continuing importance of The Large Glass. Looking at issues of conservation and re-presentation of the work the day looks at current research around the Large Glass, and references the discussion between Richard Hamilton and Sarat Maharaj at Tate Britain on 7 May.

Speakers on the day include:

Thomas Girst, editor-in-chief, Tout-Fait; The Marcel Duchamp Studies Online Journal (www.toutfait.com)

Jaqueline Monnier, began her career as an artist in 1959, while serving as an assistant to Marcel Duchamp, her stepfather, whom she helped to assemble the edition of his portable museum, the Boite-en-Valise.

Christopher Holden, senior conservator at Tate Britain, who led restoration of the Large Glass in 1984.

This event is a collaboration with the AHRB Research Centre for Studies in Surrealism and its Legacies. For more information, contact info, and direction, see: http://www.tate.org.uk/home/default.htm




Duchamp, May 10, 2003 Vienna: Exhibition and Symposium

8.5.>  Eröffnung der Ausstellung, 19 Uhr
Marcel Duchamp – Druckgraphik
Sammlung Hummel, Wien
9. 5. 2003 – 7. 6. 2003
Zur Ausstellung erscheint ein Katalog mit Textbeiträgen von Eva Christina Kraus/ Valentina Sonzogni, Ursula Panhans-Bühler, Ernst Strouhal, Martin Zeiller.

10.5.>   Beginn des Symposiums, 10.30 Uhr
Marcel Duchamp-Symposium
Leitung: Martin Zeiller
Vortragende: Thomas Girst (www.toutfait.com), Peter Gorsen (Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien), Eva Christina Kraus u. Valentina Sonzogni (Friedrich Kiesler-Zentrum Wien), Ursula Panhans-Bühler (Kunsthochschule Kassel), Ernst Strouhal (Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien), Martin Zeiller (Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien).

Weitere Information zum Symposium in der Einladungsbeilage

Ausstellungszentrum
Heiligenkreuzer Hof, Refektorium, Stiege 8
A-1010 Wien
Di-Fr, 11-18 Uhr, Sa, 10-17 Uhr
T: ++43 1 71133/6300, F: /6309
ausstellungsreferat@uni-ak.ac.at




DD / DIAGRAMMAR / VERSION 1.1 / 2003

Please scroll over text for small centered images. For pop-up enlargements, please click text.

All double-page images from the posthumous 1538 Duerer edition:
©2003 Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. All rights reserved.
All images of works by Marcel Duchamp:
©2003 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris. All rights reserved.




Moules femâlics

 

“Je crois beaucoup à l’érotisme (…) Cela remplace, si vous voulez, ce que d’autres écoles de littérature appelaient Symbolisme, Romantisme…”
Marcel Duchamp

Quelques mois avant sa mort, Duchamp élaborait une série de neuf gravures consacrées au thème des Amoureux(Figs. 1, 2) Ces neuf gravures avaient comme caractéristique commune, outre un contenu érotique, de marquer un retour à un art “figuratif”, d’être reliées, au moins par l’un d’entre elles, Le Bec Auer, directement à Étant donnés, d’être enfin, à l’exception peut-être d’une ou deux, des copies d’après des maîtres anciens.

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  • 
Morceaux choisis d’après Courbet
    Figure 1
    Marcel Duchamp
    Morceaux choisis d’après Courbet, 1968.
  • 
Morceaux choisis d’après Ingres I
    Figure 2
    Marcel Duchamp
    Morceaux choisis d’après Ingres I, 1968.

Les modèles choisis, Cranach, Ingres, Courbet, Rodin sont manifestement des artistes chez qui la femme et l’érotisme ont, comme chez Duchamp, joué un rôle essentiel, sinon déterminant. Érotisme singulier, entêtant, cérébral, parfois obsessionnel. Pour prendre le seul exemple de Rodin, on peut dire que nombre de ses sculptures – et particulièrement Iris, messagère des dieux – sont des sculptures élaborées autour d’un sexe féminin, sont des sculptures d’un sexe féminin, au même titre, exactement, que Étant Donnés, dans son jeu perspectiviste et dans son éclairage, s’organise tout entier autour du sexe d’une femme allongée. Bien mieux, à compulser certains dessins de Rodin, on ne pourra manquer d’être frappé par leur étroite ressemblance avec le dessin préparatoire au nu d’Étant donnés. On citera, par exemple, tiré des illustrations pour Bilitis de Pierre Louÿs, le dessin MR 5714, ou, plus précisement encore, des illustrations pour Le Jardin des supplices d’Octave Mirbeau, le dessin MR 4967(Fig. 3). Des mêmes illustrations, citons encore le dessin portant ces titres divers: “Buisson ardent,” “Flamme,” “Feu follet” (MR 4034)…

Plus curieux, le cas de Courbet. La gravure est un “Morceaux choisis” d’après La Femme aux bas blancs de la fondation Barnes (Merion). Duchamp, jouant sur les mots, y rajoute un faucon (1)pour tromper le voyeur frustré que nous sommes, à l’instard’Apollinaire s’addressant à Lou absente:

Il me faudrait un petit noc
Car j’ai faim d’amour comme un ogre
Et je ne trouve qu’un faucon.
(2)

Aussi bien Arturo Schwartz est-il justifié à mettre cette gravure en relation étroite avec la posture plus provocante du nu d’Étant donnés. Pour notre part, guidé par cette indication, nous n’avons pas hésité à voir dans Étant Donnés un “collage” de deux citations tirées de deux œuvres de Courbet (Fig. 4) – au même titre que la gravure Morceaux choisis d’après Ingres, n° 1, est un collage de deux citations tirées de deux toiles d’Ingres. D’une part, la posture du bras gauche levé n’est pas sans rappeler celle de La Femme au perroquet (Fig. 5), que Duchamp ne peut manquer d’avoir vue à New York, au Metropolitan Museum, d’autre part et surtout, l’attitude générale du corps, l’ouverture des cuisses, la façon dont elles sont sectionées, de même qu’est sectionées la tête, – de sorte que ce que nous sommes conviés à voir c’est, comme dans les graffiti pornographiques des lieux publics, des symboles sexuels, un sexe et des seins, d’autant plus provocants qu’ils demeurent anonymes -, rappellent très précisément du tableau de Courbet intitulé L’Origine du monde (Fig. 6).

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  • Marcel choisis d’après Ingres II,
  • Gustave Courbet
La Femme au perroquet
  • Gustave Courbet
L’Origine du monde
  • Figure 4
  • Figure 5
  • Figure 6
  • Marcel Duchamp
    Morceaux choisis d’après Ingres II, 1968.
  • Gustave Courbet
    La Femme au perroquet, 1866.
  • Gustave Courbet
    L’Origine du monde, 1866.

On pourra se demander pourquoi Duchamp, au  terme de sa vie, a ainsi éprouvé le besoin de rendre hommage, fût-ce ironiquement – et il se peut ici que le fétichisme de Courbet pour les plumes, poils, chevelures et toisons ait été tourné en dérision par Duchamp, à la fois, par cette perruque qu’il a voulu “d’un blond sale” (3) et par ce sexe glabre – à un peintre qui fut par excellence le
peintre du “rétinien” et qui, ne brillant pas, dit-on, par son intelligence, pouvait assez bien entrer dans la catégorie de ces peintres parangons de la stupidité que Duchamp avait fuis.

On se souviendra des diverses définitions que Courbet a données du réalisme en art, du genre “Ce que mes yeux voient”. Particulièrement on rappellera cette déclaration limitant la peinture au seul domaine des choses visibles: “Un objet abstrait, invisible, n’est pas du domaine de la peinture” (lettre de 1861). Or, ce que Duchamp, dès sa jeunesse, s’était proposé, c’était bien de tourner le dos à un tel naturalisme, pour se diriger vers ce qu’il a appelé, à un moment, un “méta-réalisme.(4)

Le Grand Verre sera, pendant une douzaine d’années, la tentative d’atteindre à ce “méta-réalisme,” de représenter cet “objet abstrait, invisible” qu’est l’apparition, dans un univers tridimensionnel, d’une jeune femme nue appartenant à l’étendue quadridimensionnelle…

Étant Donnés, avec la pesanteur d’un intitulé d’un problème de géométrie, semble ironiquement nous ramener sur le sol ferme des réalités visibles.

Il dresse devant l’œil – ou plutôt devant les deux yeux, enfin – dans la profondeur d’un espace tridimensionnel ce que le réalisme selon Courbet se contentait d’offrir sur la surface bidimensionnelle d’une toile. Réalisme poussé à la limite? Réalisme poussé à l’absurde? Et l’environnement de Philadelphie annoncerait, là encore, comme d’autres aspects de l’œuvre annoncent le Pop Art ou l’Art conceptuel, la sculpture hyperréaliste d’un de Andrea ou d’un Duane Hanson? Il s’agit de tout autre chose. Car ces choses visibles, ressortissant à la catégorie courbetienne de “Ce que mes yeux voient,” sont affectées d’un surcroît de visibilité. La lumière est un soupçon trop intense, la chair un soupçon trop grenue.(5)Et ce soupçon fait bientôt vaciller tout le “réalisme”de la scène qui nous est proposée.

La Mariée est bien là, entourée désormais des mécanismes devenus visibles, enfin apparus, qui, dans le Verre, n’apparaissaient pas: la chute d’eau et le gaz d’éclairage. Elle-même, au demeurant, a subi un étrange renversement d’apparence, quelque chose comme un doigt de gant qu’on retournerait. Dans le Verre, elle se présentait à l’œil comme une sorte d’écorché, un amas d’organes indescriptibles, un intérieur sans extérieur, des entrailles sans peau – conforme en cela à ce que les théoriciens de la quatrième dimension – de Poincaré à Pawlowski – imaginaient concernant la façon dont notre organisme serait vu par des observateurs quadridimensionnels. En revanche, dans Étant donnés, elle apparaît comme une enveloppe sans intérieur, une carcasse vide, un moule en creux, une coque sans chair, une pellicule, un leurre.

Est-ce à dire qu’elle manque d’entrailles? Non, celles-ci existent. Elle possède des organes, voire des organes qui la désignent comme organisme sexué : ce sont les quatre sculptures érotiques, depuis Not a Shoe (Fig. 7) jusqu’au Coin de chasteté (Fig. 8), qui ont précédé son élaboration, et qui sont, proprement, des moulages de sa carcasse : les “pleins” qui correspondent à son “creux.”

click on images to enlarge

  • 
Not a Shoe
    Figure 7
    Marcel Duchamp
    Not a Shoe, 1950.
  • 
Coin de Chasteté
    Figure 8
    Marcel Duchamp
    Coin de Chasteté, 1954.

Si la Feuille de vigne femelle (Fig. 9) est, à l’évidence, l’empreinte d’une aine féminine, il est assez aisé d’imaginer que Not a Shoe est une empreinte plus limitée mais plus profonde, à proprement parler, l’empreinte d’une vulve. Et que l’Objet-Dard,(Fig. 10) loin d’être une fantaisie phallique, comme l’avance Arturo Schwarz, est une empreinte encore plus limitée, intime et profonde, d’un organe proprement féminin.(6)

click on images to enlarge

  • 
Feuille de vigne femelle
    Figure 9
    Marcel Duchamp
    Feuille de vigne femelle, 1950.
  • 
Objet-Dard
    Figure 10
    Marcel Duchamp
    Objet-Dard, 1951.

Un jeu se joue donc ici sur le mâle et la femelle d’un moule: si les Moules Mâlics contenaient en
creux la forme pleine des Célibataires, ces moules, qu’on pourrait dire “femâlics”, incarneraient en plein la forme creuse des organes de la Mariée.(7)

Mais plus encore : ce qui est suggéré, c’est qu’il y a réversibilité de ces organes. L’Objet-Dard a, effectivement, une apparence phallique, et le titre dont il se pare le désigne à l’évidence aux fonctions agressives imparties au mâle. Inversement, la Feuille de vigne femelle, objet contondant et massif, photographié sous un certain éclairage qui en inverse les valeurs et fait de ses convexités des concavités, devient, comme sur la couverture du n° 1 duSurréalisme, même, une figure féminine empreinte d’un fort insolite “sex appeal”.

Cette réversibilité des organes, cette structure en doigt de gant retourné qui connote la sexualité, la psychanalyse, on le sait, n’a pas manqué de s’y intéresser. Sander Ferenczi, en particulier, en établissant son fameux parallèle onto- et phylogénétique, a longuement rêvé, sur le fait que pénis et vagin n’étaient qu’un seul et même organe – organe fée, organe Mélusine, ici développé en profondeur, et là en extérieur, selon les besoins de l’espèce.(8)Nous y reviendrons.

Mais allons plus loin ou allons ailleurs : en géométrie. Au tournant du siècle, commencent les principales études sur la topologie (analysis situs). Les mathématiciens se penchent alors sur ces objets étranges que sont le ruban de Möbius et la bouteille de Klein.(Fig. 11)Examinons-les aussi. On sait les étranges particularités du premier. Prenons un ruban de papier. Il possède deux dimensions. Raccordons-le par ses extrémités les plus étroites: on obtient un anneau possédant deux surfaces, une interne et une externe, et deux côtés. Mais si, au lieu de raccorder directement ses deux extrémités, on imprime au ruban une torsion avant de le refermer, on obtient alors un étrange objet qui n’a plus qu’une seule surface et qu’un seul côté volume paradoxal, unisurface et unilatère.(Fig. 12) Imaginons, dans quelqueFlatland à la Abott, un être plat, bidimensionnel, qui cheminerait le long de cet anneau de Möbius : à aucun moment il n’aurait conscience de la troisième dimension à travers laquelle la torsion du ruban a pu se faire.(Fig. 13) Jamais, par conséquent, sa conscience ne pourrait se représenter la forme exacte de cet objet mathématique.

click on images to enlarge

  • Ruban de Möbius
    Figure 11
    Ruban de Möbius
  • Dessin de la bouteille de Klein
    Figure 12-13
    Dessin de la bouteille de Klein

Passons à la bouteille de Klein. Pour dire les choses grossièrement, on dira qu’elle est à l’univers tridimensionnel ce que l’anneau de Möbius est à un univers plat. Reprenons la feuille de papier, raccordons-la cette fois par ses côtés les plus longs, comme une feuille de cigarette qu’on roulerait. On obtient un tube. Raccordons les deux extrémités de ce tube : on obtient un tore. Tout comme dans l’exemple précédent, il possède deux surfaces : une surface interne et une surface externe, un dehors et un dedans. Mais si, là encore, avant d’opérer le raccordement, on fait subir, à travers cette fois la quatrième dimension, une torsion au tube, par analogie à la torsion opérée sur le ruban dans la troisième dimension, on obtiendra un volume paradoxal unisurface et unilatère, n’ayant plus ni dehors ni dedans. Individus tridimensionnels, nous serons incapables de nous représenter la réalité exacte d’un tel volume. Seul un “indigène quadridimensionnel”, pour reprendre les termes de Duchamp lui-même dans À l’infinitif, pourrait saisir avec ses sens la torsion qui retourne un volume de sorte qu’il n’ait plus ni dehors ni dedans, et qui fait d’un corps solide une entité curieuse dans laquelle les notions d’intérieur et d’extérieur, de surface et de profondeur, s’annulent ou s’échangent.

Regardons l’Objet-Dard: ce tube pseudo-phallique se courbe, s’infléchit de façon curieuse ; qu’on prolonge son infléchissement en imagination jusqu’à le faire pénétrer dans l’espèce de racine ou de pédoncule dont il est issu, on obtiendra un volume étrangement semblable à une bouteille de Klein.(9)

On nous accusera d’interpréter? Rappelons ces faits : sur le Verre, la Mariée, projection tridimensionnelle d’une entité quadridimensionnelle, se présente comme un amas d’organes sans surface, une sorte de dedans sans dehors. Dans Étant donnés, à l’inverse, c’est une pellicule sans intérieur, un dehors sans dedans. Rappelons alors cette note de la Boîte verte : “L’intérieur et l’extérieur (pour étendue 4) [c’est-à-dire dans une étendue quadridimensionnelle] peuvent recevoir une semblable identification.” (10)Rappelons enfin que la topologie se développe au début
du siècle, au moment précisément où Duchamp lit Henri Poincaré et s’intéresse à la géométrie
riemannienne… Qu’il n’ait jamais cessé de se passionner pour la topologie, nous en avons un autre témoignage: rencontrant au début des années soixante François Le Lionnais, les premières questions qu’il lui posera seront sur le ruban de Möbius et sur la bouteille de Klein. (11)

Bien plus, l’Objet-Dard nous suggère autre chose: le sexe, envisagé comme coupure, comme division de l’être d’avec lui-même, comme manque, n’est qu’un effet de l’espace tridimensionnel. Que nous soyons affectés tantôt d’un vagin – et l’on est une “femme ” – vierge, mariée, etc. – et tantôt d’un pénis – et l’on est un “homme ” – célibataire, époux, etc. -, cet accident physiologique ne serait jamais que l’effet d’une causalité assurément ironique: celle des lois de la géométrie euclidienne. Dans une étude quadridimensionnelle – lieu de l’accomplissement érotique selon ce qu’en dit Duchamp – vagin et pénis perdraient, à l’instar d’une illusion anamorphotique, tout caractère distinctif. C’est le même objet que tantôt nous verrions comme “mâle” et tantôt comme e femelle”, dans ce parfait renvoi miroirique des corps qui suppose, pour qu’il ait lieu, l’existence d’une quatrième dimension.


click to enlarge

Couple de tabliers
Figure 14
Marcel Duchamp
Couple de tabliers, 1959.

Schwarz a donc raison, en un sens, d’insister sur l’hermaphrodisme comme thème essentiel de l’œuvre de Duchamp. Mais il a tort d’en chercher l’explication du côté des archétypes jungiens et des religions primitives. Le modèle vient des géométries non-euclidiennes et des problèmes soulevés vers 1900 par l’analysis situs. La transexualité, chez Duchamp – son jeu sur le travesti, qui va de Rrose Sélavy jusqu’au (de façon plus mineure mais aussi significative) Couple de tabliers(Fig. 14) (des manchons qui peuvent se retourner comme des doigts de gant) -, est une sorte d’expérience ontologique naïve d’une idéalité mathématique où s’abolit la différenciation sexuelle.

À qui voudra plus loin quêter, on rappellera les analyses tracées par Jacques Lacan dans sonSéminaire à propos de ” la schize du sujet “, de “l’optique des aveugles ” et du “phallus dans le tableau.” (12)

Revenant sur les analyses phénoménologiques de Merleau-Ponty dans Le Visible et l’Invisible, il rappelle que “ce qui nous fait conscience nous institue du même coup comme Speculum mundi ” et développe ces lignes, en lesquelles irrésistiblement on voit se dresser l’ombre d’Étant donnés: “Le spectacle du monde, en ce sens, nous apparaît comme omnivoyeur. C’est bien là le fantasme que nous trouvons dans la perspective platonicienne, d’un être absolu à qui est transférée la qualité de l’omnivoyant. Au niveau même de l’expérience phénoménale de la contemplation, ce côté omnivoyeur se pointe dans la satisfaction d’une femme à se savoir regardée, à condition qu’on ne le lui montre pas.” (13)

Telle serait cette parfaite circularité du regard, qui transforme le voyeur en objet vu et fait de l’objet vu
le voyeur, qui fait du chasseur le chassé et de celui qui traque celui qui est pris aux rets et aux rais d’un même œil ouvert. (14) Retournement en doigt de gant en lequel la conscience, dit encore Lacan, citant cette fois un poète en plus d’un point proche de Duchamp, “dans son illusion de se voir se voir(15),
trouve son fondement dans la structure retournée du regard.” (16)


Notes

1. Translator’s Note: this is an untranslatable play on words that hinges on the homophonic double meaning of “faucon” (falcon) and “faux con” (false cunt). For further discussion of this
pun, see Craig Adcock’s “Falcon” or “Perroquet”? in http://www.toutfait.com/issues/issue_1/Notes/Faucon. html Footnote Return

2.Poèmes à Lou, “A mon tiercelet,” LXI.
Footnote Return

3.Note inédite du carnet de montage d’Étant donnés,”Approximation démontable…”
Footnote Return

4.Dans une lettre à Louise et Walter Arensburg en date du 22
juillet 1951.Naumann, Francis M. and Hector Obalk Ludion, eds. Affectionately,Marcel. Ghent-Amsterdam: Ludion Press, 2000. p. 302-303.. Footnote Return

5.On sait qu’elle est faite d’une peau de porc..
Footnote Return

6.Ma gratitude va à Pontus Hulten pour m’avoir orientévers cette interprétation.
Footnote Return

7.Rappelons ici cette note de À l’infinitif: “Par moule, on entend : au point de vue forme et couleur, lenégatif (photographique): au point de vue masse un plan (générateur de la forme de l’objet par parallélisme élémentaire)…” etc. “Sanouillet, Michel and Elmer Peterson, eds. The Writings of Marcel Duchamp. New York: Da Capo Press, 1973. (p. 85). Sanouillet, Michel and Elmer Peterson, eds. The Writings of Marcel Duchamp. New York: Da Capo Press, 1973. (p. 85)
Footnote Return

8. In Thalassa, Psychanalyse des origines de la vie sexuelle,1928.
Footnote Return

9. Ma gratitude, ici, à Jacqueline Pierre, biologiste, et à Alain Montesse, mathématicien, pour m’avoir soufflé
cette interpretation.
Footnote Return

10.Sanouillet, Michel and Elmer Peterson, eds. The Writings of Marcel
Duchamp
. New York: Da Capo Press, 1973. (p. 29)
Footnote Return

11.Témoignage de François Le Lionnais, octobre 1976.
Footnote Return

12.In Les Quatre Concepts fondamenteux de la psychanalyse, Paris,1973, p. 65-84.
Footnote Return

13.Op. cit., “La schize de l’œil et du regard,” p.71.
Footnote Return

14.Rattachant Étant donnés au mythe d’Artémis et d’Actéon, Octavio Paz est proche de cette interprétation.
Footnote Return

15. Paul Valéry, La Jeune Parque.
Footnote Return

16.Lacan, op. cit., “L’anamorphose,” p. 78.
Footnote Return




Marcel Duchamp: Money Is No Object The Art of Defying the Art Market

* This essay was originally intended to serve as the second half of an article dealing with the general topic of Duchamp and money. The first part—which deals with the subject of how Duchamp used money in both his art and life—appeared in the April 2003 issue of Art in America.

In the nearly thirty-five years that have passed since Duchamp’s death, there has been a steady increase in the attention devoted to his work, not only by art historians, but also within the world of contemporary art. Certainly the retrospective exhibitions that were held in Philadelphia and New York (1973), Paris (1977), and Venice (1993), contributed to the appreciation of his work, as did the numerous articles and books on the artist that have appeared with consistency over the years. But exactly how much this kind of attention affects the financial evaluation of his work is difficult to determine with any degree of accuracy. Historical importance and contemporary relevance are certainly factors that should be taken into consideration when one attempts to evaluate a given work of art, but, as we shall see, taste (a factor Duchamp’s work confronts by its very nature) and quantity (which he attempted to control) are even more relevant concerns in a fickle and continuously changing art market.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Arturo Schwarz, Duchamp’s dealer in Milan, continued to sell examples of the artist’s work, as did a number of galleries in other parts of Europe and the United States. Schwarz still had nearly all of the readymades that were produced in the 1964 edition. At the time they were issued, the complete set was priced at $25,000. So far as is known, there were only two takers: the National Gallery of Canada, and the Cordier & Ekstrom Gallery in New York. The Canadian purchase took place through the efforts of Brydon Smith, Curator of Contemporary Art at the museum. In 1970, Smith approached Schwarz with an interest in purchasing the entire set of readymades, but discovered that there was not enough money left in the museum’s purchase account for that particular year. The following year the museum experienced a surplus in their operating budget, and through a skillful reappropriation of these funds, they were able to make the acquisition. “It was rather in the spirit of Duchamp,” Smith later mused, for the readymades were purchased “from an account usually reserved for office supplies and other such useful materials.”(1)

The second set of readymades ended up in an even more unlikely institution: the Art Museum of Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana. In 1971, Thomas T. Solley, director of the museum, was approached by Arne Ekstrom, owner of the Cordier & Ekstrom Gallery, through which Solley had made various purchases over the years. Ekstrom wanted to know if he would be interested in acquiring the complete set of readymades (which Ekstrom had purchased from Schwarz in the mid-1960s for a Duchamp exhibition at his gallery, and which were then languishing in his storage facility). Through the museum, Solley contacted a donor who agreed to facilitate the purchase, and the readymades were shipped out to Bloomington, where, to this very day, they remain on public display in the University Art Museum. Even though the purchase price had risen to $35,000 (a considerable sum in those years), the expenditure was not challenged by members of the art faculty, but was, surprisingly, applauded.(2)In the end, it would prove to be a very wise investment, for, as we
shall see, within thirty years the entire set of Duchamp readymades would escalate in value to well over one hundred times that amount.

click images to enlarge

  • Collection of Dada Art
  •  Bicycle Wheel
  • Figure 1
  • Figure 2
  • A Collection of Dada Art, Sotheby’s London,
    December 4, 1985, catalogue (cover).
  • Marcel Duchamp, Bicycle Wheel, 1916/68,
    lot no. 251 in A Collection of Dada Art.

In contrast to the success of these private sales, the first attempt to sell the readymades at public auction proved a surprising and unexpected disappointment. In 1985, Sotheby’s in London offered “A Collection of Dada Art,” which was identified in the catalogue as “property of a Swiss collection, formerly the collection of Arturo Schwarz, Milan” (Fig. 1). Schwarz had closed his gallery ten years earlier, and the 261 separate lots in this auction represented the remaining inventory from his commercial activities (he had kept the most important pieces for his own private collection). Included was work by some of the most notable of Dada artists: Hans Richter, Hanna Hoch, Max Ernst, George Grosz, Marcel Janco, Kurt Schwitters, Francis Picabia, Man Ray, and a selection of works by Duchamp. The sale concluded with the complete set of readymades issued by the Galleria Schwarz in 1964 (Fig. 2), offered, however, as separate lots. Bidding for these items was anything but brisk. In the end, six of the smaller readymades sold, but at prices that were only about half their pre-sale estimates. This would indicate that the auction house set the reserve (the lowest price at which a work can be sold) unusually low, far lower than the low of the estimate. Despite this strategy, seven of the more important readymades — Bicycle Wheel, Bottle Rack, In Advance of the Broken Arm, Fountain, among others — failed to sell. Nevertheless, within a few weeks after the sale, Sotheby’s managed to find buyers for all the readymades that still remained in their possession, but at prices that were a fraction of the pre-sale estimates.(3)


click to enlarge
The National Enquirer,
London edition
Figure 3
“Art or Junk?,” The National Enquirer,
London edition, February 4, 1986.

The lack of success in selling these works did not prevent at least one newspaper— the anything-but-respected National Enquirer — from asking its readers if the readymades were “Art or Junk?” (Fig. 3). The tabloid reproduced a selection of the objects with their prices, alerting their readers to the fact that “folks are asking a fortune for this stuff.” When an expert at Sotheby’s was asked to explain the “outrageous amounts… these wacky ‘artworks’ are worth,” she wisely replied: “It requires a great deal of knowledge of twentieth-century art to understand these pieces.” Few would argue with that explanation; to understand the prices would have required a great deal of knowledge of twentieth-century art, but also a thorough knowledge of the market in twentieth-century art.

The ideas Duchamp introduced continue to represent an influential force in the world of contemporary art, a factor that — one would assume — affects the financial evaluation assigned his work. This point was dramatically demonstrated in 1997 when one of the examples of Fountain from the Schwarz edition was offer by Sotheby’s in New York as part of their autumn sale of Contemporary Art (Fig. 4). Fourteen years had passed since the Schwarz sale in London when this same work failed to sell, but times had changed. The work was considered so important that the auction house decided to reproduce it on the front cover of its catalogue, and, in a clever decision (since the two works seem to share a common theme), Robert Gober’s Drain was chosen to appear on the back cover. I was asked by the auction house to write an entry on


click to enlarge
catalogue(front cover)
Contemporary Art, Sotheby’s
New York, November 17, 1999,
catalogue(front cover).
catalogue (back cover)
Contemporary Art, Sotheby’s
New York, November 17, 1999,
catalogue (back cover: reproduced:
Robert Gober, Drain,
edition no. 2/8, cast pewter,
4 ¼ in. x 4 ¼ in. x 3 in., 1989).
Figure 4

Fountain, which turned out to be an essay of six pages that provided not only a history of the original urinal, but the making of subsequent replicas, including the Schwarz edition. The organizers of the auction decided upon a pre-auction estimate of $1,000,000 — 1,500,000, an unprecedented amount for a work like this at auction, but perfectly in keeping with their knowledge of private sales. A year earlier, it was generally known within the art world that under the directorship of David Ross, the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art purchased an example of Fountain from the collection of Charles Saatchi for $1,000,000. This information may very well have contributed to the success of the Sotheby’s sale, for in the end, Fountain was purchased by Dimitri Daskalopoulos, a Greek collector, for $1,762,500, a new record for a work by Duchamp at auction. When questioned after the sale, Daskalopoulos said that he had purchased the piece because “for me, it represents the origins of contemporary art.”(4)

A knowledge of prior sales may have contributed to the exceptionally high price paid for this work, but there were other factors as well. In the days immediately preceding the sale, Daskalopoulos’s advisor in art purchases called me several times from Athens to inquire exactly how this particular
example of Fountain differed from one owned by Dakis Joannou, another Greek collector of modern art. Dakis’s Fountain, I explained, came from the collection of Andy Warhol, but it did not bear the important brass plaque that identified the work as part of the edition of eight signed and numbered examples.(5) So far as I could determine, the work being sold by Sotheby’s was the very last example of Fountain from the Schwarz edition that was ever likely going to be made available for sale (the location of the seven other examples of this work from the complete edition of eight accompanied my essay in the catalogue).(6)

It should also be noted that as a collector of contemporary art, Daskalopoulos was certainly familiar with the high prices that were usually paid to secure important work. In fact, the two lots that directly preceded the sale of Fountain in the Sotheby’s auction sold for prices that either equaled or exceeded the amount paid for this particular readymade: a Jasper Johns drawing of a Flag sold for $1,762,500, and one of Andy Warhol’s paintings of wanted men (which was compared in the catalogue to Duchamp’s Wanted Poster of 1923/63) sold for $1,982,500. Even these prices were not exceptional when compared with the record-breaking $11 million dollars that was paid for a painting by Mark Rothko that followed a few lots later in the same sale. When it came to assessing the success of this sale, however, few neglected to mention the record-breaking price for a work by Duchamp.

####PAGES####


click to enlarge
Nine Works,
Sotheby’s London
Figure 5
Marcel Duchamp: Nine Works,
Sotheby’s London, December 7, 1999,catalogue (cover).
Study for
a Portrait of Chess Players
Figure 6
Marcel Duchamp, Study for
a Portrait of Chess Players
,
1911, charcoal on paper, 19 ½ x 19 7/8 in.
 L.H.O.O.Q.
Figure 7
Marcel Duchamp, L.H.O.O.Q.,
1920/42, rectified readymade
(made by Francis Picabia),
9 ¼ x 7 inches (23.8 x 18.8 cm).
Francis M. Naumann Fine Art, New York.

Three weeks after the sale took place in New York, an auction of Impressionist and Modern Art was held at Sotheby’s in London that included nine works by Duchamp ( Fig. 5). It was generally known that all nine of these works were owned by Georges Marci, a Swiss collector who had assembled the works over the course of the prior decade. These works were featured in a separate catalogue, for which I was again asked to write the introduction. Like the readymades, most of the items offered were produced in editions: the three erotic objects made in an edition of 8 to 10 examples, a reproduction of the L.H.O.O.Q.issued in an edition of 35, and a valise, produced in an edition of 150 examples. The only unique work was Study for a Portrait of Chess Players ( Fig. 6), a magnificent large Cubist drawing that Duchamp had made in 1911, but which he had given to Louise Varèse during his early years in New York (and which remained in her possession until her death in 1988). This drawing was given an estimate of 350,000-450,000 BP, and sold for an impressive 529,500 BP. It may have been the attraction of this single work that caused most of the other works by Duchamp to sell within or in excess of their pre-sale estimates. Only the valise — which was accompanied by five original letters from Duchamp to Poupard-Lieussou (the original owner of this item)—failed to sell. The pre-auction estimate was $165,000 – $206,000, far in excess of the amount that had ever been paid for a comparable work at auction, which was, apparently, the main factor that inhibited bidding.

The exceptionally high price paid for a work by Duchamp may have impressed many, but it is not a great deal of money when compared with the amount that would have been paid, for example, for an important drawing by Picasso from the height of his Cubist period. Indeed, when the prices of Duchamp’s work are compared with those paid for anything even remotely similar by Picasso, the differences can be astronomical. In a sale of Impressionist and Modern Art held at Christie’s New York in the fall of 2000, I wrote entries for two works by Duchamp: a replica by Francis Picabia of his famous L.H.O.O.Q. ( Fig. 7)(with an estimated value of $700,000-900,000), and a deluxe edition of the valise ( Fig. 8) (estimated at $800,000-1,200,000).The auction would also include a rare Blue Period painting by PicassoFemme aux bras croisés ( Fig. 9), a woman with arms crossed that—as a friend of mine recently observed—resembled (coincidentally) the positioning of La Jocconde in Duchamp’sL.H.O.O.Q..(7)When I found out about the Picasso, I requested that I be allowed to write entries on Duchamp that were at least as long as the one that was being written for this painting, though I was well that the Picasso would have a higher estimate (the catalogue stated “estimate upon request,” but the experts felt that the painting was worth between 30 to 40 million dollars). To my surprise, the auction house complied. Of course, I knew that the length of my entry would not affect the outcome of the sale, but I wanted Duchamp to be accorded the same historical respect as Picasso. On the night of the auction, the Picasso sold for over 55 million dollars, and, so far as I could tell, the two works by Duchamp did not receive even a single bid.

click images to enlarge

  • The Box in a Valise
  • The Box in a Valise
  • oil
on canvas
  • Figure 8
  • Figure 9
  • Marcel Duchamp, The Box in a Valise, 1943, deluxe edition made
    for Kay Boyle (containing original Bachelor’s Domain,
    a hand-colored pochoir reproduction on celluloid of the lower
    section of the Large Glass).
  • Pablo Picasso, Femme aux
    bras croisés
    , 1901-02, oil
    on canvas,32 x 23 in. (81.3 x 58.4 cm).
    Private Collection.

here are several explanations that could account for this failure. First, the works by Duchamp had been recently on the market: the L.H.O.O.Q. had come from a Duchamp exhibition at a commercial gallery in New York (a show that I had organized), where the asking price for this work had been set at $1,300,000 (considerably more than the auction estimate), and the valise had been offered privately by several dealers in Europe and in the United States at prices that ranged from $650,000 to $750,000 (still lower than the auction estimate).(8)But even more importantly, the works by Duchamp were placed in the wrong context. The sale included paintings by some of the most renowned Impressionist and Post-Impressionist artists— Monet, Renoir, Gauguin, Cézanne — as well as some of Duchamp’s most notable contemporaries: Picasso, Kandinsky, Léger, Miro, Magritte, Ernst, and Giacometti, the majority of which fared well in an evening of heavy bidding (the Giacometti sculpture, for example, sold for over 14 million dollars).

For Duchamp, context is everything. A shovel in a hardware store is, after all, only a shovel; place it into a museum, and it is magically transformed into art. This is a concept that most collectors of classic European modernism would either fail to understand or flatly reject. Most collectors of contemporary art, on the other hand, accept the philosophical and aesthetic implications of the readymade as an important if not critical precedent to the underlying conceptual strategies of modernism (which, in part, explains Sotheby’s success in sellingFountain for a record-breaking price).

The lesson of placing Duchamp’s work within the context of vanguard art is one that was well understood by the organizers of a sale on May 13, 2002, of Contemporary Art at Phillips de Pury & Luxembourg in New York. The auction featured all fourteen of the readymades that had been issued by the Galleria Schwarz in 1964, these examples from the collection of Arturo Schwarz himself. The sale also included sculpture by Dan Flavin, Donald Judd, Carl Andre, Joseph Beuys, Jeff Koons, Rachel Whiteread, and Maurizio Catelan; photographs by Cindy Sherman, Andreas Gursky, Thomas Struth and Thomas Ruff; paintings by Francis Bacon, Joan Mitchell, Agnes Martin, Gerhard Richter, Andy Warhol, Jean-Michel Basquiat, Damien Hirst, Neo Rauch, and Ed Ruscha, whose untitled 1963 painting of the word “NOISE” in yellow against a dark blue ground graced the cover of the lavish, oversized catalogue (Duchamp’s Bicycle Wheel appeared on the back cover: Figs. 10.1 and 10.2).

click images to enlarge

  • Contemporary Art &
14 Duchamp Readymades
  • Bicycle Wheel
  • Figure 10-1
  • Figure 10-2
  • Contemporary Art &
    14 Duchamp Readymades
    ,
    Phillips de Pury &
    Luxembourg,New York, May 13,
    2002, catalogue (cover).
  • Contemporary Art & 14
    Duchamp Readymades
    ,
    Phillips de Pury &
    Luxembourg, New York, May 13,
    2002, catalogue (back cover:
    reproduced: Marcel Duchamp,
    Bicycle Wheel,
    assisted readymade: bicycle
    wheel and fork mounted upside
    down on a kitchen stool painted
    white, 49 13/16 x 24 13/16
    x 10 ¾ in.(126.5 x 63 x 27.3 cm).

The sale was accompanied by as much advance publicity as the auction house could muster, including a regular run of advertisements in the New York Times reproducing the various readymades. The only newspaper to run a feature article about the sale, however, was the London Daily Telegraph. The Bicycle Wheel was reproduced, and the article was given the amusing title “Wheel of Fortune,” for as its author Colin Gleadell remarked, it was “estimated to sell for up to $3 million.” Gleadell also informed his readers that in contrast to the issuing of readymades in 1964, which were designed to be sold intact (as complete sets), these fourteen examples were being offered individually, so that collectors were at liberty to chose whichever one they wanted and could afford. He reminded readers that Fountain had sold a few years earlier for $1.7 million, and that, although this information could not be confirmed, an example of the Bicycle Wheel had “sold for more than $2 million on the private market.” Moreover, when the evaluation assigned to all fourteen readymades is tallied, “the overall pre-sale estimate for the set is $8.5 million to $12.6 million,” which, we are told, falls short of the $15 million guarantee Schwarz was given. “Clearly Phillips has taken a gamble,” Gleadell concluded, “one that Duchamp, who had a weakness for risk-taking when playing chess, might have enjoyed.”(9)

In fact, Duchamp took few risks when playing chess, and, as I demonstrate in the first part of this article (Art in America, April 2003), even fewer when it came to his art dealings, whether pertaining to the sale of his own work, or to the investments he had made in the work of others. In the case of the Phillips auction, however, the owners and administrators did undertake a fairly serious financial risk, for it was later revealed that they issued Schwarz a guarantee of $10 million, an amount that fell in the middle of the low and high estimates. If the readymades sold for the low estimate of $8.5 million, the auction house stood to lose $1.5 million; if they sold for their high estimate, they would have made $2.5 million. Apparently, this was a risk the auction house was willing to take, drawing a certain degree of confidence, perhaps, in their recollection of the successful sale of Fountain two years earlier in a sale of Contemporary Art at Sotheby’s.

On the evening of the sale at Phillips, it was raining steadily in New York, which, we can only imagine, must have filled the auctioneers with trepidation, for they knew that if they were to meet their guarantee, they would need as many potential bidders to compete against one another as possible. The eighty-one year old Schwarz, however, who came from his home in Milan to attend the sale, appeared confident and relaxed. Just before the bidding began, a collector asked him if he was nervous. “Why should I be nervous?” Schwarz responded. “As far as I am concerned, they have already been sold.(10)

The sale began with Duchamp’s Paris Air, one of the smallest and least known of the readymades, which was given an estimate of $200,000 – $300,000. Bidding was slow and halting. It eventually stopped at a hammer price of $150,000, short of the low estimate but still higher than the reserve, for, to everyone’s surprise (probably even the successful bidders), the auctioneer announced that the work had been sold. A similar pattern continued for the remaining thirteen readymades, where, in most cases, prices only reached approximately half the low estimates, yet were repeatedly announced as having been sold. Only the Bottle Rack (estimated at $800,000-$1.2 million) and snow shovel (estimated at $700,000-$900,000) failed to meet their reserves. Fountain, which was given a conservative estimate of $1.5 – $2 million (a range that reflected the price it had attained two years earlier at Sotheby’s), sold for a hammer price of just over $1 million, still nearly one-half million dollars short of its low estimate. When the bidding stopped, a quick tally showed that the entire set of readymades sold for $5,370,000, exactly $4,630,000 short of the amount Schwarz was guaranteed, a substantial loss for the auction house, but a huge gain for Schwarz, who, in all likelihood, with a fat check in his pocket, scurried back to Milan the next morning.

By contrast, the rest of the auction went rather well: eight artists had achieved record prices for their work, including the Ruscha cover-lot painting, which sold for over $2.5 million, and a Judd sculpture, which sold for over $1.3 million. The entire auction fetched $29,686,350, with 91% of the offerings sold by value. In a report issued by the auction house after the sale, these facts were of course emphasized, and in an effort to put a positive spin on the sale of readymades, it was even announced that Duchamp’s “iconic Bicycle Wheel tied the record for any Readymade,” which it did, since it sold for the same price as Fountain two years earlier at Sotheby’s. Of course, there was no mention of the fact that Phillips lost over $4.5 million on its guarantee to Schwarz, which was perceived by many to have been a total disaster for the Duchamp market(11)

Perception is, of course, only a reflection of the person doing the perceiving. In describing the sale of the readymades in her regular column for the New York Times, Carol Vogel reported that “collectors sniffed at what some consider icons of modern art,” and Christopher Michaud, writing for the Reuters News Agency, reported that the prices of the readymades “fell far short of expectations, eclipsed by works of more current artists.” Josh Baer summarized the evening best when he wrote in his newsletter that “people will look back on [the sale] and wish they had bought.(12)

So far as the sale of Duchamp’s work is concerned, the failure of the readymades to attain their estimates may inhibit sales in the short term, but in the future, there will be little — if any — harm done to the general Duchamp market. To my way of seeing things, there are two reasons why Duchamp’s work continues to be assigned comparatively low evaluations: rarity, and, perhaps even more importantly, an unrelenting cerebral content.

Rarity is a factor that in most commercial markets causes an item gradually to escalate in value over time. Precisely the opposite occurs in Duchamp’s work, for its rarity creates a situation in which reliable evaluations of comparable prior sales cannot be established. The best way to demonstrate this point is by citing a hypothetical example: Say that you own a work of art by a notable artist that you are interested in selling. When an attempt is made to evaluate the work, comparables are cited, earlier examples by the same artist from the same period that have sold — either at auction or privately — within the recent past (in the art market, up to five years is usually considered a fair indicator). If you should manage to find a comparable work that sold for X-number of dollars, naturally you want the work of art that you own to be evaluated at a somewhat higher figure, an amount that reflects the time passed since the comparable work was sold. When it comes to unique works by Duchamp, however, there are preciously few comparables. During his lifetime, he saw to it that his most important work was placed into important private collections (such as with Arensberg or Dreier), which he knew would one day be donated to museums.(13)In the Duchamp market, then, the “snowball effect” that causes works of art to escalate in value over time is virtually nonexistent. As a result, one can ask whatever one wants for a unique work by Duchamp, but even here, the price must remain within reason, that is to say, controlled by some knowledge of prices that were paid for other works by artist in the comparatively recent past.


click to enlarge
Perfume bottle
Perfume bottleFigure 11
Marcel Duchamp, Belle Haleine:
Eau de Voilette (Beautiful
Breath: Veil Water)
,
1921, assisted Readymade,
perfume bottle (6 in.) in cadrdboard
box, 6 7/16 x 4 7/16 in..
L.H.O.O.Q.
Figure 12
Marcel Duchamp, L.H.O.O.Q.
, 1919,7 ¾ x 4 7/8 in.

Today, the most common way to the check prices paid for an individual artist’s work is on the Internet. A variety of sites offer postings of recent auction records, but it is virtually impossible to find any verifiable information pertaining to private sales. Of course, when a collector of means is matched with a work of art that he or she absolutely cannot live without, the question of comparable evaluations is of no relevance. In the André Breton sale that took place recently in Paris, for example, the Monte Carlo Bondsold to the Principality of Monaco for 240,000 euros (well above its pre-auction estimate of 50,000 to 60,000 euros). A similar situation occurred in the mid-1990s, when a collector and former art dealer living in Paris sold Duchamp’s Belle Haleine (Fig. 11) perfume bottle to Yves Saint-Laurent and Pierre Bergé for five million dollars. The collector originally purchased the work some twenty-five years earlier from the Forcade-Droll Gallery in New York, and, at the same time, he also purchased the original L.H.O.O.Q. (Fig. 12), which is still in his collection. Some years ago I was approached by a curator at the Museum of Modern Art in New York, asking whether I knew if this work could be acquired. I called the collector in Paris and asked if he would consider selling it. He responded to my inquiry by asking if I knew the highest price ever paid for a work of art. Recalling Renoir’s Moulin de la Galette, I said that I thought it was around 65 million dollars (having forgotten that a van Gogh sold a few years later for some 20 million more). He said: “Bring me a collector willing to pay 66 million dollars, and we’ll talk.(14)

Even if the information pertaining to private sales were made public, I doubt that it would affect the comparatively depressed financial evaluation given to works by Duchamp. This, I believe, can be traced to a single overriding factor: the importance of vision over thought. Unlike more traditional works of art, which rely primarily upon visual comprehension for understanding their importance — and, thus, financial value — a work by Duchamp (particularly the readymades) relies upon more complicated processes of thought. We can look at a painting by Matisse, for example, and appreciate it on a purely visual level. Indeed, Matisse himself encouraged precisely this method of viewing when he stated that “an art of balance, of purity and serenity” is “something like a good armchair that provides relaxation from fatigue.”(15)By contrast, any viewer who looked at Duchamp’s readymades in this same fashion would derive little or no aesthetic pleasure; no matter how long you look at a shovel — whether hanging in a museum or in a hardware store — it remains a shovel. In this case, viewers are forced to echo a strategy employed by the artist himself when selecting these objects, for he wanted the readymades to exhibit no exceptional visual interest, or, as he said, they are objects possessed of “visual indifference… a total absence of good or bad taste… a complete anesthesia.”(16)

If we apply this reasoning to the marketplace, then an art dealer or seller is placed in a somewhat unusual position. He or she can no longer present a work of art to his or her client and allow a purely visual response to convey its content. I have come to refer to this predicament as the triangle theory, where, under normal circumstances, three specific points must be identified and understood before a sale can take place: (1) the client’s eyes; (2) the work of art; (3) the client’s pocketbook. In trying to sell a work by Duchamp, one point in this triangle must be adjusted slightly, for in considering a readymade, one cannot rely solely upon a client’s vision. Instead, the seller is obligated to move that point one or two inches back, to a position well with the client’s gray matter. Only then can he hope to come anywhere near the client’s pocketbook. If the person’s intellect is not stimulated, then, as in the case of looking at a readymade like Duchamp’s In Advance of a Broken Arm, a shovel remains a shovel, which in most hardware stores sells for about fifty dollars (not $600,000, which is the amount for which this item reportedly sold in a private sale to a European client a few days after the Phillips sale).

It is my belief that, in the future, works of art will be increasingly appreciated for their cerebral content, although for the present moment, at least, vision is still required to comprehend the existence of the object. At this point in time, we can only imagine a work of art that would stimulate our minds before reaching our eyes (of course, the same could be said for all kinds of social situations, from race relations to geographic borders, as in John Lennon’s use of the word “Imagine”). Meanwhile, as was his habit, Duchamp seems to have timed things perfectly: if there is any correlation between the aesthetic value of a work of art and the amount of money that someone is willing to pay for it, at the very moment in our history when intellect and vision strive to achieve union, there are virtually no important works by Duchamp available to test the market. He was not only successful in thwarting attempts to commercialize his work in his lifetime. In having kept his production of unique works of art to a minimum, only replicas and works in edition remain within the marketplace today, and even these items come up only rarely. Some thirty-five years after his death — in both aesthetic and monetary terms — Duchamp remains securely one step ahead of the game.


Notes

Footnote Return1. Quoted in a letter to the author from Diana Nemiroff, Curator of Modern Art, National Gallery of Canada, 25 September 2002.

Footnote Return2. Information provided in an email message to the author dated October 14, 2002, from Nan Esseck Brewer, Curator of Works on Paper at the Art Museum of the University of Indiana at Bloomington. Additional details concerning the purchase was relayed to the author in a telephone conversation with Thomas T. Solley from his home in England on October 15, 2002.

Footnote Return3.It should be acknowledged that I was among those who negotiated to acquire these works, eventually acquiring the Network of Stoppages (now collection of the Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven),Bottle Rack, In Advance of a Broken Arm, Fountain,
and Fresh Widow (the latter four now in the collection of the Maillol Foundation, Paris).

Footnote Return4.Quoted in Carol Vogel, “More Records for Contemporary Art,” The New York Times, November 18, 1999.

Footnote Return5. See Jeffrey Deitch, ed., The Dakis Joannou Collection (Ostfildern: Cantz, 1996), p. 93.

Footnote Return6.At the time when this essay was written, I had mistakenly concluded that no. 4/8 of the edition was in the collection of the Toyama Museum of Art in Japan.That information proved incorrect, for no. 4 of the edition appeared on the market in 2002 at the Gagosian Gallery in New York (with a provenance that can be traced to Sarenco & Sarenco of Milan, Italy).

Footnote Return7.The friend, Nura Petrov, is an artist who lives in Riegelsville, Pennsylvania.

Footnote Return8.The Duchamp show was entitled “Marcel Duchamp: The Art of Making Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” and was held at Achim Moeller Fine Art, New York, 2 October 1999 — 15 January 2000.

Footnote Return9.Colin Gleadell, “Wheel of Fortune,” The Daily Telegraph [London], April 22, 2002. I am grateful to the author, who kindly provided me with a photocopy of his article.

Footnote Return10.The collector wishes to remain anonymous.

Footnote Return11.“Phillips, de Pury & Luxembourg Set 8 Artist Records in $29 Million Sale of Contemporary Art on May 13, 2002,” Click here to view the link.

Footnote Return12.Josh Baer, The Baer Faxt # 318, May 13, 2002; Christopher Michaud, “Rare Duchamps Collection Sold at N.Y. Auction,” Reuters Press, May 21, 2002; Carol Vogel, “An Uneven Night at Auction for Phillips,” New York Times, May 14, 2002. See also Brooks
Barnes, “Phillips Contemporary Art Auction Brings in a Healthy $30 Million,” The Wall Street Journal, May 14, 2002.

Footnote Return13.When he served as executor of Dreier’s estate, he arranged for several of his most important works to be placed into the permanent collection of the Museum of Modern Art, which demonstrates that, in some measure, he wanted his work to be seen and understood
within the context of a larger, more international audience.

Footnote Return14.The collector wishes to remain anonymous, and even though he has refused to confirm the sale price of the Belle Haleine,its current owners requested an insurance evaluation of five million dollars when they lent the work to a show I organized for the Whitney Museum in 1996 (see the catalogue, Making Mischief: Dada Invades New York, Whitney Museum of American Art, distributed by Harry N. Abrams, New York, 1996, pp. 146 and 292).

Footnote Return15.Henri Matisse, “Notes of a Painter,” 1908; quoted in Alfred H. Barr, Jr., Matisse: His Art and His Public (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1951), p. 122.

Footnote Return16.“Apropos of ‘Readymades’,” a talk delivered by Duchamp at the Museum of Modern Art, New York, 19 October 1961; published in Art and Artists,vol. I, no. 4 (July 1966), p. 47.

Figs. 6-8, 11-12 ©2003 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris. All rights reserved.




Recording of Marcel Duchamp’s Armory Show Lecture, 1963

[The following is the transcript of the talk Marcel Duchamp (Fig. 1A, 1B)gave on February 17th, 1963, on the occasion of the opening ceremonies of the 50th anniversary retrospective of the 1913 Armory Show (Munson-Williams-Procter Institute, Utica, NY, February 17th – March 31st; Armory of the 69th Regiment, NY, April 6th – 28th) Mr. Richard N. Miller was in attendance that day taping the Utica lecture. Its total length is 48:08. The following transcription by Taylor M. Stapleton of this previously unknown recording is published inTout-Fait for the first time.]

click to enlarge

  • The Armory Show-50th Anniversary
Exhibition
  • Duchamp at the entrance of the 50th anniversary exhibition
  • Figure 1A
    Marcel
    Duchamp in Utica at the opening of “The Armory Show-50th Anniversary
    Exhibition, 2/17/1963″
  • Figure 1B
    Marcel
    Duchamp at the entrance of the 50th anniversary exhibition
    of the Armory Show, NY, April 1963, Photo: Michel Sanouillet

Announcer: I present to you Marcel Duchamp.

(Applause)

Marcel Duchamp: (aside) It’s OK now, is it? Is it done? Can you hear me? Can you hear me now? Yes, I think so. I’ll have to put my glasses on. As you all know (feedback noise). My God. (laughter.)As you all know, the Armory Show was opened on February 17th, 1913, fifty years ago, to the day (Fig. 2A, 2B). As a result of this event, it is rewarding to realize that, in these last fifty years, the United States has collected, in its private collections and its museums, probably the greatest examples of modern art in the world today. It would be interesting, like in all revivals, to compare the reactions of the two different audiences, fifty years apart. If only a happy few in this room actually saw the Armory Show of 1913, all of you have heard and read so much about it that we all are very familiar with the kind of reception the public of 1913 gave to it. It was a veritable bataille d’ [inaudible] with such weapons as derision, contempt, caricature, engaged in approval and defense of a new form of art expression, a battle which seems, today, hard to imagine.

click to enlarge

  • Interior space of the Armory Show
  • Cover of the catalogue

 

 

  • Figure 2A
    Interior space of the Armory Show, New
    York (detail) 1913
  • Figure 2B
    Cover of the catalogue for “The Armory
    Show-50th Anniversary Exhibition,” 1963

 

In Europe, this same period of 1910-1914 has been called the heroic epoch of modern art, and had its convulsions in the shows of the Independents and the Salon d’Automne of 1911 and 1912. But the reaction of the European public was only a mild cry of indignation in comparison to the negative explosion at the Armory Show. The public of 1963 will certainly not be shocked. All of the paintings and sculptures have been seen or reproduced so often during the last 50 years, and particularly after having been part of the controversy of 1913, most of them have established their worthiness. In other words (laughs), in other words, today, the public, in order to judge, will be on a more understanding and critical level, and fully aware of the concentration [inaudible] by the 50 years of survival. A feeling of reverence, with nostalgic overtones, will certainly prevail in the final verdict by our present aesthetic standards.

I hope, this afternoon, to add a little note to the Show itself, by showing you a number of works which were in the 1913 exhibition, but could not, for different reasons, be obtained for the present show. I will also show a few others, which, although in neither show, reflect the spirit of that period. The aim of the Munson-Williams-Procter Institute has been to show only the paintings and sculpture that actually were in the Armory Show. In fact, over 325 original items have been collected – a real tour de force. And now, we’ll start with the slides:

Ingres. Ingres. Dominique Ingres. Chronologically, the first artist on the list. Ingres was represented in 1913 by two drawings without any title in the catalogue. This one, a very beautiful study of a portrait he made of the Comtesse d’Haussonville (Fig. 3) was done around 1840, and may or may not have been actually in the 1913 Show. In any case, a drawing of such quality could compare favorably to any Ingres drawing, and we’ll accept it as though it had been, hmm? (laughter) It’s about the same.

Puvis de Chavannes next. Puvis de Chavannes. As a distant disciple of Ingres, Puvis de Chavannes applied a classical approach to the technique of mural painting during the middle and the end of the 19th century. In this Prodigal Son (Fig. 4), painted in 1879, Puvis de Chavannes seems to have completely ignored the realist storm of Courbet, followed by the Impressionists’ revolution, and all the isms that raged until he died in 1898. It shows courage—or stubbornness. (laughter)

Daumier. Honoré Daumier. Third-Class Carriage (Fig. 5) by Daumier. A very well-known masterpiece, which was included in the original show. Daumier made two other wash drawings of trains and their passengers, second and first class – when trains were quite a novelty, in the world of 1860. This oil painting now belongs to the Metropolitan Museum in New York.

click to enlarge

  • The Comtesse d’Haussonville

     

     

  • The Armory
Show-50th Anniversary Exhibition
  • The
Third-Class Carriage
  • Figure 3
    Dominique
    Ingres, The Comtesse d’Haussonville, 1845, The Frick Collection,
    New York
  • Figure 4
    Cover of the catalogue for “The Armory
    Show-50th Anniversary Exhibition,” 1963
  • Figure 5
    Honoré Daumier, The
    Third-Class Carriage
    , 1863-65, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
    New York

 

Manet. Manet. Édouard Manet, who died in 1883, painted some beautiful portraits in the last years of his life. This on, Mery Laurent (Fig. 6) —M-e-r-y, I don’t know why, hmm? Mery Laurent, the lady with the black cloak. Also called L’Automne, painted in 1882. It was included in the Armory Show, and is now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Nancy. Although Manet was on friendly terms with the Impressionists, he belongs to an earlier generation and never influenced or was influenced by any of their theories.

Degas. Edgar Degas painted this Carriage at the Races (Fig. 7), one of the many famous pictures Degas made of this scene. It was painted in 1873, when he returned from a trip to America, where he had visited his family in New Orleans, where his mother was a Creole. One still feels in this painting the mark of the Ingres and Manet influence, which disappeared in his later pastels of ballet dancers and washerwomen.

Redon. Odilon Redon. There are so many beautiful Redons …but this one is not perfect. This luminous pastel of 1910, called Roger and Angelica (Fig. 8), was among the fifty Redons shown at the original exhibition. Redon’s subjects were only simple incidents in the general arrangement of colors and forms. The figures and the faces in his pastels make no pretense at representing natural truth. They are more like the prolongation of dreams. And Redon’s pastels show the preoccupation of the non-figurative theories that we hear so much about today. (Today it’s abstraction.)

click to enlarge

  • Portrait de Méry Laurent
  • A Carriage at the Races
  • Roger and Angelica,
  • Figure 6
    Edouard
    Manet, Portrait de Méry Laurent, 1832-1883
  • Figure 7
    Edgar
    Degas, A Carriage at the Races, 1872 © Burstein Collection/CORBIS
  • Figure 8
    Odilon
    Redon, Roger and Angelica, c. 1910, The Museum of Modern
    Art, The Lillie P. Bliss Collection

 

####PAGES####

Now, we go back to the Impressionists.

Monet. Claude Monet was represented by five canvasses in the Armory Show. This first one,Boardwalk at Trouville, 1870, when Trouville was the Atlantic City of France, is an early attempt at Impressionism, since the name “Impressionism” was coined only four years later in 1874. And we have another Monet, entirely different. This one is a Water Lily Pool, on the contrary, dated 1904, much later, and is one of a series of water lily murals, which link Monet with the birth of abstraction. The two Monets that you saw were in the 1913 Show.


click to enlarge
Georges Seurat
Figure 9
Georges Seurat,
Les Poseuses (The Models),1888

Seurat. Georges Seurat, in his too-short life – he died at age 32 – achieved a very important revolution with Pointillism, which was his personal reaction to Impressionism. This beautiful version ofLes Poseuses (Fig. 9) of 1888, shows his very unique contribution to the technique of Neo-Impressionism. A large canvas of the same subject, Les Poseuses, is in the Barnes Foundation in Merion, Pennsylvania.

Cross. Henri-Edmond Cross was with Seurat and Paul Signac at the origins of Pointillism, the art movement that succeeded Impressionism around 1880. This painting, called Clearing(Fig. 10) of 1906-7, was in the Armory Show, and is a perfect illustration of the theories of Pointillism, based on the scientific studies of Chevreuil. Simultaneous contrast of colors which also influenced Delauney a few years later, around 1912.

Toulouse-Lautrec. (I think we have it upstairs, I think) Toulouse-Lautrec is less known for his oil paintings than for his posters. Nevertheless, with paintings such as this one, calledRed-haired Woman Seated in Garden(Fig. 11) in 1889, he belonged to the Impressionist group. This painting was in the original show, and is also included in the anniversary show. (I saw it last night, hmm.)

Gauguin. Gauguin. Paul Gauguin brought back this oil from his first trip to Tahiti. It’s calledMata Mua (Fig. 12), which in Tahitian dialect means “in open times.” It was shown at the important Gauguin exhibition at the Durand-Ruel Gallery in Paris in 1893, when Gauguin was 45, already. As you know, he died in miserable conditions during his second stay in Tahiti in 1903.

click to enlarge

  • The Clearing
  • Red-Haired Woman
  • Paul
Gauguin, Mata Mua
  • Figure 10
    Henri-Edmond
    Cross. The Clearing, c. 1906/07
  • Figure 11
    Henri
    de Toulouse-Lautrec, Red-Haired Woman Sitting in Conservatory,
    1889, private collection
  • Figure 12
    Paul
    Gauguin, Mata Mua, 1892

 

And van Gogh. Van Gogh. Of the 14 paintings that Van Gogh had in the 1913 show, five important ones are in the anniversary show, upstairs. This one, called Hills at Arles, from the Thannhauser Collection was painted in 1889 at Arles or at St. Remy, I can’t be sure. When van Gogh was very sick in the hospital at St. Remy. I show you now another landscape very much like this one. Olive Trees at St. Remy, painted in the same year, 1889. Very luminous expression and all – almost the same thing. In the following year, 1890, van Gogh went to live his last month in Auvers, a small town near Paris, where he painted several portraits of young girls like this one, Mademoiselle Ravoux (Fig. 13), June 1890, which is included in the anniversary show. Van Gogh died a month later. Incidentally, this last painting used to belong to Katherine Dreier, who lent it to the Armory Show, and it is now in the Cleveland Museum of Art.

And now we come to Cézanne. Paul Cézanne. Woman with a Rosary (Fig. 14). It was in the Show of 1913. Cézanne painted this important portrait at the end of his life in about 1903, probably in Aix [en-Provence]. In 1904-1905, the Salon d’Automne and the Independents gave him a very important one-man show. He died in 1906, before he had received a worldwide recognition.

Now we can do Ryder. Albert Ryder, a great, great painter, who came from an American Cape Cod family, and lived for many years in New York, on Washington Square and later, West 15th Street, in a most modest and bohemian way, completely absorbed in and dedicated to his inner vision. This Moonlight Marine (Fig. 15) was in the original and is also in the present show. It’s one of Ryder’s best-known themes, a typical expression of his position as a forerunner of abstract art, as we understand it today. Very abstract, isn’t it? You hardly see the boats. There are some boats.

click to enlarge

  • Mademoiselle Ravoux
  • An Old Woman with a Rosary
  • Albert Pinkham Ryder
  • Figure 13
    Vincent
    Van Gogh, Mademoiselle Ravoux, June 1890
  • Figure 14
    Paul Cézanne,
    An Old Woman with a Rosary, 1900-04
  • Figure 15
    Albert Pinkham Ryder,
    Moonlight Marine,
    c. 1908, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
    York

 


The
Little Rose of Lyme Regis
Figure 16
James McNeill Whistler, The
Little Rose of Lyme Regis,
1895. Oil
on canvas.
The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MA, USA.


The Bath
Figure 17
Mary Cassatt,
The Bath, 1910

Now, Whistler. James McNeill Whistler painted this portrait called Little Rose of Lyme Regis (Fig. 16), which is, I suppose, a small town in England. It was painted in 1895, and it is considered as one of his finest achievements in quality, as compared to most of his life-sized portraits. As we all know, Whistler lived a great part of his life abroad, and became quite a big international figure around the turn of the century.

Another American, Mary Cassatt is coming now. Mary Cassatt had two paintings in the 1913 show of her favorite subject, mother and child. She only painted that, all her life, very much like this one called The Bath(Fig. 17), 1910. That was not in the Show, I don’t think it was in the 1913 Show. In France, where she spent most of her life, she was very closely associated with the Impressionists—Degas, Pissarro, Berthe Morisot—and considered one of theirs. This painting is owned by the French government in the Petit Palais collection in Paris.

Now, we have the lights. Before we go on with the slides, I wanted to elaborate a bit on the art situation in America in the years before 1913. In New York, the private gallery of Alfred Stieglitz, Fifth Avenue, situated at 291 Fifth Avenue, although concerned with the establishment of photography as an art, was the scene of the introduction of Rodin, January 1908, and Matisse, April 1908, to America. I mean they didn’t come, only their things came, hmm (laughs). Stieglitz and Steichen, during the next years, followed up by showing Toulouse-Lautrec, Henri Rousseau, Cezanne, Picasso, and the American Max Weber. In 1910, the 291 Gallery gave a group show of American artists: Marsden Hartley, Dove, John Marin, Alfred Moore, Walkowitz, and others.

####PAGES####

Quite independently from 291, and more like a gesture of revolt against the Academy, a group of American artists held an exhibition in 1908 at the Macbeth Gallery in New York called The Eight Show. Robert Henri, John Sloan, George Luks, William Glackens, Ernest Lawson, Everett Shinn, Arthur B. Davies, and Maurice Prendergast. The show of The Eight at the Macbeth Gallery was a tremendous success, and was soon followed by the creation of a Henri School of Art, headquartered in the famous Lincoln Arcade Building, where lived myself later on, on 66th Street, where a large group of younger artists, like Bellows, Stuart Davis, Edward Hopper, Walter Pach, joined the ranks of the original Eight, under the guiding spirit of Robert Henri. The group was to be called, much later, the Ashcan School, which, to a certain extent, was a prophecy of what we know today as a proper art school, hmm?(laughter) In April 1910, a large independent show was organized by Sloan and Walt Kuhn. The great success of the show established firmly the faction of the young American artists in opposition to the Academy.

Such was the climate in which Arthur B. Davies, elected president of the newly-formed Association of American Painters and Sculptors in 1912, conceived with Walt Kuhn and Walter Pach, the project of an expanded version of the 1910 Independent with the participation of European artists. The project materialized in the Armory Show of 1913. Among the difficulties to organizing this large exhibition, the first important obstacle was the duty imposed on all import of all fine arts to America at that time. It was a remarkable decision of John Quinn, the famous New York lawyer and art patron, to go to Washington, and argue and convince the lawmakers to change the law. He succeeded, and obtained the admission duty-free of all fine original works of art to America less than a hundred years old, I believe. This action is still enforced today. Now, we will see more, more, more slides.

Yes. This is Henri. Robert Henri. Robert Henri was really a moving spirit of American modern art, in the period immediately preceding the Armory Show, though he was a finer teacher than a painter, in my opinion. This painting called Laughing Boy (Fig. 18) was not in the original show, but in the show of The Eight I spoke of, in 1908. It is a typical Henri portrait, but still too academic, I feel. The Ashcan is [inaudible]. (laughter)

Bellows. George Bellows, one of Henri’s pupils, belongs to the generation of the Ashcan School, and he is known for his pictures of boxing matches, executed in a dynamic narrative style. This view of Lower Manhattan called The Lone Tenement (Fig. 19) was painted in 1909, after Bellows had been accepted by the Academy in 1907, and before he began painting sports scenes of violent realism, which is more the Ashcan, like boxing.

Prendergast. A beutiful Prendergast. Maurice Prendergast spent his formative years in Europe. When he returned to America, he was invited to join the exhibition of the Eight in 1908 with Arthur B. Davies, Ernest Lawson, and the Henri group. He also showed at the Independents, 1910. Later on, Prendergast, Glackens, Bellows, and Charles Sheeler were among the founders of the second Society of Independent Artists – no jury – in 1917 in New York. This painting, called Ponte della Paglia (Fig. 20), was probably painted in Italy in 1899, I think. The flag is green. It’s an Italian flag in 1899. It shows, perhaps, an influence of Bonnard. It’s very true for the one in the anniversary show, upstairs, in the collection of this institute, Landscape with Figures. I remember, Prendergast was a very nice person. Very…very…almost timid.

click images to enlarge

  • Robert Henri, Dutch
Joe
  • George
Bellows, Lone Tenement
  • Maurice
Prendergast, Ponte della Paglia
  • Figure 18
    Robert Henri, Dutch
    Joe (Jopie Van Slouten)
    , 1910
  • Figure 19
    George
    Bellows, Lone Tenement, 1909
  • Figure 20
    Maurice
    Prendergast, Ponte della Paglia, 1898-99, The Phillips Collection,
    Washington

Now, Walkowitz. Walkowitz is 82 now, today—82 years old today. He was born in Siberia, and came to the United States as a child. The title of these three drawings is Duncan Dancers(Fig. 21). Walkowitz made a great number of studies and drawings in the Isadora Duncan School of Dance. His sketches of Isadora and her pupils are a very vivid evocation of the great American dancer and teacher. At the time of the Armory Show, he was with the Stieglitz group.

Katherine Dreier. Katherine Dreier sent this oil, The Blue Bowl, and we never could find it. It is certainly not lost, but we couldn’t find it. At the Armory Show, she had spent several years in Europe, and brought back a small collection of European artists, among which is van Gogh’s Mademoiselle Ravoux, that you saw on the screen a moment ago. As a pioneer of abstract art, she established a few years later the Société Anonyme and The Museum of Modern Art of 1920, long before the other Museum of Modern Art. A collection of international artworks, which is now at Yale University.

Kroll. Leon Kroll. You can hardly see it, it’s from a newspaper, but anyway. He painted this painting called Terminal Yards (Fig. 22) around 1911, and it was in the 1913 Show. Unfortunately, I have been unable to find a better slide. This one is taken from a newspaper reproduction. The painting was bought at the Armory Show by Arthur Jerome Eddy, a Chicago lawyer and art collector, a rather eccentric character – he bought two of my own paintings, (laughter) and was the first man in Chicago to have his portrait painted by Whistler and to ride a bicycle (laughter). You know, I knew him and he was very nice man.

Rousseau. Rousseau, Rousseau, Rousseau. Le Douanier has three landscapes in the present show, very much in the spirit of this one, which is called View at Malakoff (Fig. 23).Malakoff is a small town on the outskirts of Paris, dated 1898. I think it was also in the original Show, and I want to show you a bigger one, which was not in the Show. And now, in another vein, which accounts for his fully-deserved recognition, Rousseau becomes the dreamer, the poet in these large paintings like this one, called The Dream, painted in 1901.

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  • Abraham
Walkowitz, Isadora Duncan
  • Leon Kroll, Terminal Yards
  • Study for View at Malakoff
  • Figure 21
    Abraham
    Walkowitz, Isadora Duncan, date unknown
  • Figure 22

    Leon Kroll, Terminal Yards, ca. 1911
  • Figure 23
    Henri
    Julian Rousseau, Study for View at Malakoff (Vue
    de Malakoff
    ), 1908


click to enlarge
Kneeling Woman
Figure 24
Wilhelm Lehmbruck, Kneeling Woman
(Femme á genoux),
1911


click to enlarge
Window on the Park
Figure 25
André Derain, Window on the Park
(La Fênetre sur le parc),
1912

Lehmbruck. Wilhelm Lehmbruck has been called the leading Expressionist sculptor. In this Kneeling Woman (Fig. 24) of 1910, he is simply turning away, turning his back on the pure forms of Maillol, whose influence had marked his earlier years. The plaster cast of this sculpture was in the original show in 1913 and belongs now to the Albright Gallery in Buffalo. But it is too fragile, really, to travel. You can only see it this way.

Derain. One of the original “wild beasts,” the Fauves, with Matisse and Braque. Derain turned, after 1907, to a more constructive technique. Almost a Cubist, without accepting to be a Cubist. He was very stubborn, too. And his still life, Window on the Park (Fig. 25), 1912 belongs to the Museum of Modern Art in New York, was in the original Show, and is also in the present show.

Pablo Picasso. This portrait of Madame Soler is a very early Picasso, dated 1903. It belongs to the blue period, probably painted in Barcelona, where he had returned after his first stay in Paris, 1901-1902. One of the very first Cubist sculptures by Picasso, this Head of Fernande Olivier, 1909, is treated with the same facet-like technique as were the Cubist paintings of the same year. Yes, it’s in the present show. It’s upstairs. Beautiful sculpture. Now, we have another one, which is called Woman with a Mustard Pot(Fig. 26), you see the mustard pot on the left, and was painted in 1910, at the very beginning of Cubism, and bears a certain resemblance to the sculpture you just saw on the screen. The museum of The Hague, Holland, agreed to lend this important painting to the show in New York in April. They wouldn’t let it go for more than three weeks, I don’t know why. The three Picassos you just saw were all in the original Show.

####PAGES####

Now, this is Brancusi. Constantin Brancusi. I cannot understand why this beautiful Muse(Fig. 27) and four other sculptures of Brancusi’s, created such a violent reaction in the Chicago show of 1913. As a result, Brancusi was burned in effigy, along with Matisse and Walter Pach, in Chicago (laughter). It’s true. These are the mysteries of modern art.

Braque. Georges Braque, in 1908, Georges Braque abandoned his Fauvist palette and attacked a completely different problem, which was to become Cubism. This still life, Pitcher and Violins (Fig. 28), 1910, is typical of the first years of the Cubist discipline as it was practiced by Picasso and Braque at that time. In fact, their technique was so closely similar that it was very difficult at times to distinguish the Cubist Braque from the Cubist Picasso. That I know, that was very difficult.

Léger. Fernand Léger. I remember seeing this composition by Léger in the Cubist room of the Salon d’Automne in 1911. Léger’s contribution to Cubism in 1910 and 1911 was this tubular style. Instead of using cubes, he used tubes. The art critics of the time called him a Tubist instead of a Cubist (laughter). It’s true, it was in all the papers. He was soon to develop a more colorful style.

La Fresnaye. La Fresnaye. Roger de la Fresnaye was wrongly called a Cubist. In this Village of Meulon of 1912, he simply applies a geometric technique, a formal transcription of a very effective landscape. This painting is now in the Philadelphia Museum of Art in the Arensburg collection, and probably was in the 1913 Show. Probably. When I first came to New York in 1915, it was hanging in the Arensburgs’ dining room. They probably bought it at the Show, that’s why.

click images to enlarge

  • Woman with
Mustard Pot
  • The Muse
  • Georges Braque, Violin and Pitcher
  • Figure 26
    Pablo Picasso, Woman with
    Mustard Pot (La Femme au pot de moutarde),
    1910
  • Figure 27
    Constantin Brancusi, The Muse (La Muse),
    1912, Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York
  • Figure 28
    Georges Braque, Violin and Pitcher, 1910


click to enlarge
Francis Picabia, Procession in Seville
Figure 29
Francis Picabia, Procession in Seville, 1912

Voila. It is Picabia. I also remember being in the studio with Picabia in Paris when he was making this Cubist picture,Procession in Seville (Fig. 29) in 1912. His main preoccupation at that time was to advocate abstraction, and he must be counted with Kandinsky, Kupka, and Mondrian as one of the pioneers of non-figurative art. This painting was in the Armory Show and is also included in the anniversary show.

That’s my brother. Duchamp-Villon. Not himself, no (laughter). Duchamp-Villon, my brother, has three pieces in the present show. This one, his fourth piece, called Girl of the Woods, was made in 1910, I believe, a year before his head of Baudelaire and two years before his Cubist horse. It is a terracotta cast of the original plaster which was in the 1913 show. He died in November of 1918, from the long illness he had contracted at the front in the First World War.


click to enlarge
The Young Sailor
Figure 30
Henri Matisse, The Young Sailor, II (Jeune Marin), 1906

Now we come to Matisse, who I have been keeping for the last because I want to show you five important ones, although we haven’t got many upstairs. Matisse was represented in the Armory Show by thirteen paintings, three drawings, and a large sculpture. While Augustus John had thirty-eight, and Odilon Redon forty. But Matisse had a big share of angry hostility on the part of the public and the art critics. Even though we’re now completely familiar with the five Matisses I’ll show you, we can imagine the shock they produced in 1913 on a public totally unaware of the “Wild Beast School,” the Fauves. This painting, The Young Sailor(Fig. 30) was done in 1906, in Collioure. It is the second of two versions, this more graceful and assertive than the first one. Now, the Blue Nude of 1907 painted also in Collioure, heavily accented in the Fauve style. It is now in the Baltimore Museum. This is Luxe, the second version of 1908. It has only the word “luxe” in common with an earlier painting of 1904-5 called Luxe, Calme, et Volupté, a title taken from the famous poem of Baudelaire,L’Invitation au Voyage. It is completely painted in Pointillist technique—the other one, not this one. Girl with a Black Cat. This is one of the numerous portraits Matisse made of his daughter Marguerite. It is dated 1910, a year of many Matisse portraits. And now, the last slide, The Red Studio, one of the four large interiors painted by Matisse in 1911. Against a monochrome red, Matisse has scattered the colored miniature images of his own paintings and sculptures. This last painting belongs to the Museum of Modern Art in New York.

And now, before we part, I would like to salute a few artists, veterans of the Armory Show. Archipenko, Georges Braque, Paul Burlin, Stuart Davis, Edward Hopper, Leon Kroll, Picasso, Monsieur [inaudible], Charles Sheeler, Jacques Villon, Walkowitz, Margaret and William Zorach, and myself.

(Applause)

Announcer: Lights!

(Applause)

[inaudible]

[cut]

Voice: Questions and answers – we’re never gonna get those.

[inaudible]

Marcel Duchamp: Yes. I don’t know because what you do in 1913 you don’t do in 1963, even anybody. It is very difficult to say. I might and might not. I don’t know, I couldn’t tell. And you don’t know either. I have a cigar now (laughter and applause). Thank you.

[end of recording]




Duchamp and September 11

A cliché of American culture proclaims that baseball (or any other institution of such popular and iconic stature) imitates life. Any enthusiast must avoid the danger implicit in this remark: the tendency to see a linkage between a favorite subject of one’s obsession and absolutely anything else in this enormous world of ours. Thus, even to postulate a relationship between Marcel Duchamp and the tragedy of September 11, 2001 should seem risible prima facie. Would Osama shaved look like Marcel? Both had thin faces. . . You see what I mean. Such nonsense goes nowhere.


click to enlarge
Woolworth Building, New York
Cass Gilbert, Woolworth
Building, New York City, 1911-1913
Woolworth Building at Night
Woolworth Building
at Night, New York City, between 1910 and 1920

But, in fact, a quite close and reasonable connection does exist, through the great building that still stands just two blocks from Ground Zero, and Duchamp’s provocative suggestion that this structure, the Woolworth Building then the world’s tallest, should be proclaimed a readymade by simple inscription. But let me introduce the tale with a personal experience. My wife and I were in the air (returning from Italy to New York) when the Twin Towers fell, and we ended up with an involuntary five-day “vacation” in Halifax before we could get home. As we tried to piece together the tale, from a slurry of rumors and cell-phone conversations on the plane (we were kept on the tarmac for 10 hours before disembarkation), we finally realized that the two towers had indeed collapsed. My first thought went to the horrendous death toll (then feared far higher, for we did not know that the buildings had stood for about an hour each, thus allowing most people inside to escape). My second thought went to our home, (and the nerve-center of ASRL and place of publication for Tout-Fait), just a mile from Ground Zero. But my third thought went to my all-time favorite and gorgeous skyscraper in my beloved natal city – the Woolworth Building. Had this great structure fallen too? Surely it must be damaged, probably beyond repair, for the Woolworth Building stands at the very periphery of Ground Zero. Well, this grandest lady of architecture stood tall, bearing nary a scratch, in renewed and secure domination of the still-great skyline of lower Manhattan – all as described in the piece below (written for Natural History, and including the Duchampian connection and its meaning to this aficionado).

Incidentally, I must state another connection between ASRL and the events of that tragic day – this time more immediate and heroic (and within my right to say, even as a spouse to the main actor, because my role has been largely limited to observation and advocacy, rather than to action, and I cannot be accused of personal bragging). Rhonda Shearer and her daughter London Allen, realizing that her studio space lay less than a mile north of Ground Zero, converted this ground-floor and high-ceilinged room into a supply depot for storing and bringing needed safety equipment to rescue workers at Ground Zero (and the Fresh Kills landfill site, where the wreckage is brought and further searched for human remains). Rhonda and London have been working nearly fulltime on this effort since then, often with the help of ASRL personnel, including the compilers and editors of Tout-Fait (see their website at http://www.wtcgroundzerorelief.org). They have masterfully weaved in and around an incredible maze of inefficiency (and downright nastiness) in official city supply chains that seem unable to get equipment to the site themselves. So our ASRL cadre has driven trucks, night after night, right down past the Woolworth Building to Ground Zero, delivering the needed supplies into the hands of the workers themselves.

(The following is a reprint of Stephen Jay Gould’s “Restoration and the Woolworth Building,” in: Natural History 110, 10A (Winter 2001/2002), pp. 96-97)

Restoration and the Woolworth Building

by Stephen Jay Gould

The astronomical motto of New York State—excelsior (literally “higher,” or, more figuratively, “ever upward”)—embodies both the dream and the danger of human achievement in its ambiguous message. In the promise of the dream, we strive to exceed our previous best as we reach upward, literally to the stars, and ethically to knowledge and the pursuit of happiness. In the warnings of danger, any narrowly focused and linear goal can drift, especially when our moral compass fails, into the zealotry of “true belief,” and thence to an outright fanaticism that brooks no opposition.

As a naturalist by profession, and a humanist at heart, I have long believed that wisdom dictates an optimal strategy for proper steering towards the dream and away from the danger: as you reach upward, always festoon the structure of your instrument (whether conceptual or technological) with the rich quirks and contradictions, the foibles and tiny gleamings, of human and natural diversity—for abstract zealotry can never defeat a great dream anchored in the concrete of human warmth and laughter.

For all my conscious life, I have held one object close to my heart as both the abstract symbol and actual incarnation of this great duality: upward thrust tempered by frailty, diversity and contradiction. Let me then confess my enduring love affair with a skyscraper: the Woolworth Building, world’s tallest at 792 feet, from its opening in 1913 until its overtopping by the Chrysler Building (another favorite) in 1929. This gorgeous pinnacle on Lower Broadway—set between the Tweed Courthouse to the east (a low artifact of human rapacity) and, until the tragedy of September 11, the Twin Towers to the west (a high artifact of excelsior in all senses)— represents the acme in seamless and utterly harmonious blending of these two components that must unite to achieve the dream, but that seem so inherently unmixable.


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Woolworth Building from Beekman Street
The Woolworth Building
from Beekman Street, 1997

The Woolworth Building surely reaches high enough to embody the goals of excelsior. But its lavish embellishments only enhance the effect, giving warmth, breadth, and human scale to the height of transcendance. The outer cladding of glowing terra-cotta (not stone, as commonly believed) reflects the warmth of baked clay, not the colder gleam of metal. The overtly gothic styling of the lush exterior ornamentation marries an ecclesiastical ideal of past centuries with the verticality of modern life (thus engendering the building’s wonderfully contradictory moniker as “cathedral of commerce”). The glorious interior—with a million tiny jewels in a mosaic ceiling, its grand staircase, murals of labor and commerce, and elegantly decorated elevators—inspires jumbled and contradictory feelings of religious awe, technological marvel, and aesthetic beauty, sometimes sublime and sometimes bumptious. Meanwhile, and throughout, high grandeur merges with low comedy, as the glistening ceiling rests upon gargoyles of Mr. Woolworth counting the nickels and dimes that built his empire, and the architect Cass Gilbert, cradling in his arms the building that his image now helps to support.
When I was young, the Woolworth Building rose above all its neighbors, casting a warm terra-cotta gleam over lower Manhattan. But I have not seen this optimally tempered glory since the early 1970’s because the Twin Towers, rising in utter metallic verticality just to the southwest, either enveloped my love in shadow, or consigned its warmer glow to invisibility within a metallic glare.
There can be no possible bright side to the tragedy of September 11 and the biggest tomb of American lives on any single day since the Battle of Gettysburg nearly 150 years ago. But the fact of human endurance and human goodness stands taller than 100 Twin Towers stacked one atop the other. These facts need symbols for support, so that the dream of excelsior will not be extinguished in the perverse utilization of its downside by a few evil men.
I returned to my beloved natal city, following an involuntary week in Halifax (as one of 10,000 passengers in 43 diverted airplanes on September 11), on a glorious day of cloudless sky. I went with my family to ground zero to deliver supplies to rescue workers, and experienced the visceral shock (despite full intellectual foreknowledge and conscious anticipation) of any loyal New Yorker: my skyline has fractured; they are not there!
But then I looked eastward from the shores of the Hudson and saw the world’s most beautiful urban vista, restored for the worst possible reason, but resplendent nonetheless: the Woolworth Building, with its gracious setbacks, its gothic filigrees, and its terra cotta shine, standing bright, tall, and alone again, against the pure blue sky. We cannot be beaten if the spirit holds, and if we celebrate the continuity of a diverse, richly textured, ethically anchored past with the excelsior of a properly tempered reaching towards the stars.


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 A notefrom À l'Infinitif
Marcel Duchamp, a notefrom
À l’Infinitif
,1916/1967 [detail]

When Marcel Duchamp moved from Paris to New York as a young and cynical artist, he also dropped his intellectual guard and felt the allure of the world’s tallest building, then so new. And he decided to designate this largest structure as an artwork by proclamation: “find inscription for Woolworth Bldg. as readymade” he wrote to himself in January, 1916.

The Reverend S. Parkes Cadman, dedicating the Woolworth Building as a “cathedral of commerce” at its official opening on April 23, 1913 (when President Wilson flipped a switch in Washington and illuminated the structure with 80,000 lightbulbs), paraphrased the last line of Wordworth’s famous “Ode on the Intimations of Immortality” in stating that this great edifice evoked “feelings too deep even for tears.” But I found the words that Duchamp sought as I looked up at this human beauty restored against a sky-blue background on that bright afternoon of September 18. They belong to the poem’s first stanza, and they describe the architectural love of my life, standing so tall against all evil, for all the grandeur and all the foibles of human reality and transcendance—“appareled in celestial light, the glory and the freshness of a dream.”
Fig. A note from À l’Infinitif
©2002 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris. All rights reserved.




“A very normal guy”: An Interview with Robert Barnes on Marcel Duchamp and Étant Donnés


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Robert BarnesRobert Barnes
Robert Barnes in the 1950’s and 1960’s
(from left to right)

The American painter Robert Barnes, recently elected member of the American Academy of Design, is a very private person and doesn’t care much for publicity. It was only after many phone calls and letters that he finally agreed to a lengthy interview in his studio in Bloomington, Indiana, on January 27, 2001. Besides a brief book review of Calvin Tomkin’s biography of Marcel Duchamp (Duchamp: A Biography, New York: Henry Holt, 1996) published in Blackwell’s Britain-basedThe Art Magazine in 1997, he had never before spoken about his close encounters with Duchamp and other Surrealists in New York during the 1950’s. Though refusing to be called “Duchamp’s last assistant” he admits that it was he whom Duchamp had asked to pick up the pig skin for Etant Donnes in Trenton, New Jersey*. The following interview, therefore, sheds some new light on the production of Duchamp’s final major work as well as his edition of Ready-mades in1964, and reveals heretofore unknown facets about Duchamp, and those who knew him at the time.


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  • collection of the Indiana University Art Museum
  • collection of the Indiana University Art Museum
  • collection of the Indiana University Art Museum

Robert
Barnes visiting the Marcel Duchamp collection of
the Indiana University Art Museum, Bloomington, January 2001


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1.The Waterfall / 2.The Illuminating Gas(outside view)1.The Waterfall / 2. The Illuminating Gas(outside view)
Figure 1
Marcel Duchamp, Given: 1The
Waterfall / 2. The Illuminating
Gas
,1946-1966 (outside view)
Figure 2
Marcel Duchamp, Given: 1.The
Waterfall / 2. The Illuminating
Gas
,1946-1966 (inside view)

Tout-Fait: There are a lot of questions that I want to ask you–about you and your art and the people you knew. Let’s just start withEtant Donnes (Fig. 1, 2), Duchamp’s final masterpiece that he supposedly worked on in secret between 1946 and 1966. You apparently knew about the piece before it was posthumously revealed at the Philadelphia Museum of Art in 1969?
Robert Barnes: Lots of people knew about it. I don’t know what this great mystery is. I am sure that Matta (1)knew about it. And if Matta knew about it, everyone in the world knew about it. Matta was a bigger blabbermouth than I was. But, you know, a lot of mystique about Duchamp and all of the legends and stories that have grown up around him were basically manufactured much later and Etant Donnes, well you know, I think it’s his masterpiece. A lot of people are critical of it. I think they are critical of it because it embarrassed them. But it is the bride fleshed out and it is the appropriate final production that Duchamp created. The secrecy — to tell you the truth — I don’t think is very important because everything about Marcel was secret and known, that’s the way he was.
Tout-Fait: And you were born in 1934?
Robert Barnes: Yeah, but I don’t admit it to many people.
Tout-Fait: You came to New York when you were 19 I think you said?
Robert Barnes: No, twenty-something.
Tout-Fait: Oh, you had married when you were 19. So you were introduced to that circle of artists by… how did you get to know them?

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download
QuickTime Player

Interview with Robert Barnes
Video 1
Interview
with Robert Barnes
(Excerpt), January 2001.

Robert Barnes:Through Matta.
Tout-Fait: And how did you come across him?
Robert Barnes: I met Matta when I was a young man in Chicago. It is interesting with people. You know who you can know, and you know who you can like, and there are affinities that are expressed without ever having an explanation. The same was true with Marcel, except Marcel liked everybody. But Matta and I just had an affinity and he was good to me, he was careful with me. He helped me, and there’s an interesting story to indicate this. He was staying in Chicago, in some hotel, and he invited me out to his place and I was delighted to go because, at that time, he was living with what I guess was said to be his wife, but I’m not sure she ever was: Mellite, a gorgeous French woman and I was totally in love with her. And I was delighted to go. I was more interested in her than in Matta at the time. When I was a young man, I was overly sensitive to things, and I found it difficult to eat when I was nervous. I was just sort of paralyzed. It was terrible on dates, because I could never eat when I was on a date. And I went to this dinner and Matta said to me–I was sitting there looking uncomfortable–and he said “You have a problem eating, don’t you, when you’re uncomfortable?” and I said, “Yeah” and he said, “So did I.” Now I don’t think he ever did. I don’t think Matta was ever uncomfortable. He said, “Let’s drink this wine.” And he had discovered a catch at a low price of a wine, called “Grand Echeseaux,” which he dearly loved; it was his favorite wine. He bought tons of it. And after a couple of glasses, I totally relaxed. What I am telling you is that Matta had a way of making you feel comfortable and that’s probably why he had nine wives because he made them feel comfortable and then uncomfortable later.
Tout-Fait:Now that was Matta. But I have to get back to Etant Donnes. You said you were not Marcel Duchamp’s assistant but he told you to get certain things for this piece.
Robert Barnes: I am uncomfortable with that story. Let me tell you that Matta did introduce me to Marcel the first time, that’s how it happened. He took me up to Duchamp’s apartment. It was in the 50’s, near Bloomingdale’s (2).
Tout-Fait: He was already married to Teeny then.
Robert Barnes: Yeah. But you want to go back to Etant Donnes. I would never admit this, but I went to New Jersey to get the pigskin.
Tout-Fait: He asked you to?
Robert Barnes: Yeah. And I didn’t know how to drive a stick shift and I didn’t have a driver’s license but I took this truck and I don’t know whose truck it was, probably some merchants, and picked up this pigskin.
Tout-Fait: He had already ordered it and just wanted someone to pick it up for him.
Robert Barnes: Yeah. The thing is, this is going to screw up all of your research because I think that this was his second pigskin. I think he had one before. I don’t know whether it was to patch. You know when I was on the scene it was late Etant Donnes, he was already in the process pretty much.
Tout-Fait: Officially he started working on it in 1946, and below the signature he writes 1966.
Robert Barnes: That’s way late. It was done sitting, gathering dust by then. It was in the ’50’s, ’56.
Tout-Fait: So how did he first introduce you to it?

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The Bride Stripped Bare By Her Bachelors
Figure 3
Duchamp,The Bride Stripped
Bare By Her Bachelors, Even

(the LargeGlass), 1915-23

Robert Barnes: Well I was at his apartment and he asked me if I’d pick up the pigskin and I did. But I knew about it before then, that’s the thing, everyone sort of knew about this thing and most people hated it and thought it was a waste of time. I loved it; you know I thought it was his masterpiece. Although the Large Glass (Fig. 3) is probably the monument but this is the masterpiece because it tested people’s ability to accept Marcel. Now we accept him.
Tout-Fait: Well a lot of people still don’t.
Robert Barnes:Well too bad.
Tout-Fait: When you saw the piece, the door wasn’t there, the door came very late.
Robert Barnes: No. When I saw it, it was all over the place, it was in pieces. And my suspicion was that he put the skin on earlier and it cracked. He had a terrible time keeping it soft. There was a beauty shop downstairs and awful smells came out of that place it was enough to give you asthma and die just going up to Marcel’s studio. And I think he actually asked them about lanolin and skin softeners to use on his skin. No not on his skin, on the pig’s skin. My feeling is that either the pigskin that I got–which I never actually saw, it stayed in the brine — it might have been just to patch it. Do you know when they took it apart were there patched pieces?
Tout-Fait: Well as you can see in the Manual of Instructions (Figs. 4, 5, 6) here, you can disassemble it in certain points. But when you say it was all over the place, what do you mean by that?

Click to enlarge

 

  •  Manual of Instruction
    Figure 4
  •  Manual of Instruction
    Figure 5
  •  Manual of Instruction
    Figure 6

Marcel Duchamp, Manual of Instruction for the Assembly of Etant Donnes,”
(pages 46a, 62 and 64), 1966

Robert Barnes:There were pieces of it. It was not hard to see what it was. I don’t remember
the branches. The thing I remember most about all this is the damn floor. Well it’s so appropriate and so ugly and the building was so awful, but that floor, made sense. There’s that movie of Richter’s (3),
8×8 (Fig. 7), with a giant chessboard and people walking on it. And I always thought that you almost needed to hop in that studio the way you hop from one square to another.

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Hans Richter
Figure 7
Hans Richter,8×8,
1955-1958 (film still)


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The
Waterfall and the Illuminating Gas The
Waterfall and the Illuminating Gas
Figure 8
Marcel Duchamp, Given: Maria,the
Waterfall and the Illuminating Gas
,1947
Figure 9
Marcel Duchamp, Given: Maria,the
Waterfall and the Illuminating Gas
,1947

Tout-Fait: Judging from the preliminary works (Figs. 8, 9), some argue that he first tried to construct Etant Donnes as a standing figure, was it always lying there?
Robert Barnes: Yeah. I don’t think it ever could stand and I don’t think he cared or wanted it to. He might have wanted to position it up a little bit so you had to look at the pudenda.
Tout-Fait: You can say pussy if you like.
Robert Barnes: I know you can say pussy but I don’t know¡¦
Tout-Fait: What do you think in terms of this thing being anatomically correct, do you think he took life casts?
Robert Barnes: No, he didn’t give a damn about whether it was anatomically correct. In some ways–I mean if you look at it as he intended, as a voyeur, somebody peeping through a hole–it is shocking because the pussy is not right and you look at it and you say, “oh wait, no this isn’t right” and you start adjusting. Marcel was smart enough to make you think that and also being hairless it was a little bit like kiddy-porn.


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The
Origin of the World
Figure 10
Gustave Courbet,The
Origin of the World
, 1866

Tout-Fait: But what you said with the spectator or the voyeur, looking at this and seeing, you
know you have Courbet’s Origin of the World (Fig.10)and there you have an anatomically more or less correct pussy (4), whereas Duchamp’s intentionally wasn’t right?

Robert Barnes: Well with Courbet, you know what you’re into, if I may pun a bit. In Duchamp you approach it with doubt, you’re not sure you want to be there or should be there, want to be there is maybe even more important. With Courbet you know what you’re thinking about, this is obviously a woman¡¦ With Duchamp you have the inaccuracies and the fact that the body is not right at all. The whole wig thing. It’s all wrong but you look at it and start rearranging it and of course everything he did was like that and the attempts to explain Duchamp I think are terrible because it is alien to the point. And I think even Duchamp’s explanations, all the things he wrote, were misleading. I think intentionally misleading, done after the fact, and meant to feed people who want to be fed.
Tout-Fait: Why would you think he intentionally constructed a torso that you notice is not a torso but rather some distorted figure. Why would he not try–if he uses all of these 3-D materials–why would he not try to aim for an anatomically correct torso?
Robert Barnes: Because he wasn’t an academician. If he wanted to make it anatomically correct he could have done that and it would not have had the same impact.
Tout-Fait: Because none of the men I know that are into women and look at this thing find it sexually arousing.
Robert Barnes: Oh, I do.
Tout-Fait: Oh you do?
Robert Barnes: I think it’s neat. The thought that you have is you sort of wish that women were built like that, were made like that, a little distorted, a little extra. But I’ll get off that subject quickly before I get arrested. I was always amazed at how many people were embarrassed by it and obviously that was the intent of the work. I mean all of these nitwits that looked at it and said it’s not worthy of Duchamp were the ones that he was out to get. And I loved it. You know I didn’t see it. I never saw it put together until much later.

Tout-Fait: But you saw it. The thing is though, when it was reviewed, when it was released to the public in 1969 at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, John Canaday of the New York Times already wrote at the time that Etant Donnes was “very interesting, but nothing new,” maintaining that in the light of artists like Edward Kienholz, Duchamp, “this cleverest of 20thcentury masters looks a bit retardaire.” In other words, it looked dated and surely wasn’t shocking anymore.
Robert Barnes: Because Duchamp was before and fed into this age that had to be shocked.Etant Donnes is not shocking, it’s embarrassing. Big difference. You look at it and you think “I should not be thinking this or looking.” And you’re not shocked but I mean no one can approach this piece of work without it clobbering him. And Marcel was very subtle.
Tout-Fait: He was very subtle. What do you think about him working with such a different media, all of the sudden coming up with this three-dimensional environment?
Robert Barnes: Why is it so different? He made the thing. His other casts of women are all leading up to this¡¦
Tout-Fait: Well that is one thing. When he did the casts¡¦
Robert Barnes: I never asked who it was. I suppose it was Teeny.
Tout-Fait: There are different stories about the casts.
Robert Barnes: I guess you’ll have to find the “castee” or “castette.”


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Female Fig Leaf
Figure 11
Marcel Duchamp,Female Fig
Leaf
, 1950 (first version)

Tout Fait: Take the Female Fig Leaf (Fig. 11), for example. Richard Hamilton says that Duchamp told him he did these things by hand, whereas Duchamp scholars like Francis M. Naumann think that he actually took a live cast.


Robert Barnes: Oh, well he would have taken a live cast because it’s more fun.

Tout Fait: But who would that have been? Maria Martins(5)or Teeny or both?
Robert Barnes: Probably anybody–anybody who would lend her body.
Tout Fait: You know Duchamp toyed with the fourth dimension in the Large Glass. Do you think
there might also be something of that in the distorted body, by arriving–as Rhonda Roland Shearer has argued–at a higher level of representation because it is not just 3-D. But by rendering a body, somehow through distortion, thus incorporating movement in time–or do you think this is going too
far?


click to enlarge
Lovers on a Bed II
Figure  12
George Segal, Lovers on
a Bed II
, 1970
Young Girl
Figure 13
George Segal, Young Girl, 1972-73

Robert Barnes: Well if he had done it merely in 3-D, it would have been a George Segal (Fig. 12, 13). He wasn’t interested in that, he’s better than that. I don’t know if you’ve noticed it. But Duchamp was magnificent. He was so smart, so intelligent, his brain was so complex and that’s the best thing about him that I don’t think anyone¡¦ I think you can only approach appreciation to Duchamp and I don’t think his intelligence was where people thought it was. Everyone felt that Duchamp was ‘scientifically pure, he could think in mathematical ways.’ I don’t think he could add beans. I think Marcel was inventive because he was beyond science; he was beyond accuracy and Figures. He was beyond all that because then he could approach us; he could manipulate us. Being around Duchamp was always–I wouldn’t say challenging because he made people comfortable–but the thinking was rapid and he wasn’t the only one, Matta was quick, too. All of those people in the circle of Duchamp were quick.


Tout-Fait: And you were young and in their midst.

Robert Barnes: I was just a baby. I was a pretty kid. I didn’t ever approach them with enough reverence though. I felt like I just was interested. It wasn’t “oh the big artist.” Because it is like anything, if you know a celebrity, you are always shocked at how human they are. The first time I met Duchamp, I went with Matta, and Duchamp had a cold and the first thing I thought, “men of this stature don’t get colds.” And he was in his bathrobe eating honey out of a silver bee. Now if that wasn’t so much Duchampian as Ernstian or something Richter would have thought of. But it was weird because it was so appropriate and his apartment was always a place where¡¦ I wonder where all that stuff is, do you know?

Tout-Fait: I don’t know exactly, it went to the estate I guess.

Robert Barnes: But who was left in the estate after Teeny?


Tout-Fait: I believe Teeny’s three kids, Jacqueline Matisse Monnier as well as Paul and Peter Matisse.

Robert Barnes: What did they do with all of that?

Tout-Fait: Some of it was donated to the Philadelphia Museum of Art, other works were donated to the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.

Robert Barnes: Can you imagine¡¦ you know he used to have an armchair that was done in needlepoint by Miro(6)?It was all so oily because he would always lean on it. It was his favoritechair. Could you imagine sending that to the Salvation Army?
Tout-Fait: Was it?
Robert Barnes: I don’t know. Every time when someone dies they give stuff to the Salvation Army. That reminds me of a gathering at Duchamp’s place once. All the people were staring at me. It was very uncomfortable. I don’t like being stared at. And Duchamp who was so sensitive, he knew that I was feeling uncomfortable. And he leaned over and he said to me “They are looking at you Robert, because you are sitting on a Brancusi” (7)–a little bench thing–and I started to get up and he pushed me down and said. “That’s what it’s for, to be sat upon. So let them look at the Brancusi and forget about yourself.” And I did.
Tout-Fait: Can you recall how many parts Etant Donnes was? How many parts when you saw it
there at his place?
Robert Barnes: No, the best thing I can remember about the place was the chess-board floor. I mean that’s very exciting, isn’t it, for history.
Tout-Fait: So the only time you helped him with it, was getting the pigskin? And how many times had you been to the secret studio on 210 W 14th Street?
Robert Barnes: Oh, lots of times. I lived just down below there for a while.
Tout-Fait: So you saw the progress that was made?
Robert Barnes: Yeah. And at the time I was working for Carmen DiSappio who was just down the street, so¡¦
Tout-Fait: So when works like Female Fig Leaf came out and those things that had to do with Etant Donnes that people could only place it with Etant Donnes later because they did not know about it. When you saw these pieces you already knew that they had to do with this kind of work?
Robert Barnes: The thing is that if you knew Marcel and you knew the people around them, this is a sequence that is so practical and natural, I mean these were horny people my friend. Matta was probably the horniest of all. He’s probably still trying to dick everything in sight. These were people who thought about sex. I mean, it’s all about sex–the gas. That’s what bothered me about Etant Donnes, what kind of light bulb is in the lamp?
Tout-Fait: It’s an electric light, though it’s supposed to be a Bec Auer, a gas burner.

Robert Barnes: Those long things?

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Portrait of Chess Players
Figure 14
Marcel Duchamp,Portrait of Chess
Players
, 1911

Tout-Fait: Yeah the long thing, that has a green light emanating from it, under which Duchamp experimented when he did the Chess Players in 1911 (Fig. 14). He painted in that green light. So although with Etant Donnes it is an electric lamp, it is supposed to be a gas lamp.
Robert Barnes: So that is maybe where the gas came in. The gas is like what we lately have discovered as pheromones, I think, which is a sort of sex gas.
Tout-Fait: What is sex gas?
Robert Barnes: Gas! And with Marcel, gas is always sex gas; it will get you. Worse than mustard gas, you’re done for.
Tout-Fait: Well, after all Etant Donnes‘ subtitle is 1) The Waterfall / 2) The Illuminating Gas. Do you recall having seen the painted landscape with moving waterfall used as the artwork’s backdrop?
Robert Barnes: No. I think the scene was there but I don’t remember anything happening back there; it was dark. I’m embarrassed to say it, but I didn’t focus on much of it then.
Tout-Fait: But you and Duchamp saw each other often? He was at your apartment and he liked the way it was built. What’s the story about that?
Robert Barnes: Yeah, I lived on Kenmare Street. It’s an architectural museum now or something. It is right across the street from the Broome Street police station. Downstairs was a tire store and there were these troll-like men who repaired tires down there and they had these vats where they would test to see if they were leaking. It was something right out of an opera by Wagner except that the blacksmiths were vulcanizers, which is perfect. And upstairs I had my loft, which was illegal, and Marcel loved it because it was. It had a door like Etant Donnes, a shackled door, and the little place was a mess but I had put in plumbing and we would all go down to Hester Street and buy plumbing supplies. We all got glass-lined water heaters that rusted but one of the joys of the place was that we couldn’t put an elbow in the tub, so it went straight. And we discovered that when you let the water out of the tub, it would explode downstairs in the tire tub. It was kind of Duchampian.
Tout-Fait: But he came by and visited you?
Robert Barnes: Yeah, not very often.
Tout-Fait: You were there in the early ’50s and you stayed in New York for how long? You were already married by then and you lived with your wife who was probably young and beautiful at the same time. So were the artists that you knew fond of her as well?
Robert Barnes: Yeah, Matta was. He wanted to steal her.
Tout-Fait: But Duchamp wasn’t hitting on her?
Robert Barnes: I wouldn’t have known if he was. She would have, but I wouldn’t have. Actually my wife was, at the time, beginning to show some symptoms of mental problems, so she didn’t go places. Her contact was rather limited.
Tout-Fait: So, you were there at the time when fame started setting in for Duchamp. There were more and more people approaching him. In this regard you mentioned something about “Mr. Availability.”
Robert Barnes: I think that was Teeny’s term. He was interested, I think, that was it. I don’t know why anyone paid attention to me because I was really wet behind the ears. He was awfully nice to me and listened to me and I don’t think I had much to say.
Tout-Fait: But they liked to have you around.
Robert Barnes: Yeah, I think I was decorative and I think they thought of me as maybe being someone to follow. Not follow, no, there was never any hint that I would follow anybody.
Tout-Fait: Well you were doing figurative oil on canvas and Duchamp, probably the others too, appreciated what you were doing since everyone else had stopped doing that. You said Duchamp liked the painting that was at the Whitney, your Judith and Holofernes of 1959/60. Taking into account his phobia regarding oil on canvas, did he encourage you to continue in that vein?
Robert Barnes: Yeah, he was very encouraging… because Duchamp had caused this disaster in the art world. Even during his lifetime he was beginning to realize that this was really an uncomfortable and ugly situation, people who mistook novelty for invention. And I think he’d like someone who ¡¦ well his whole bet was to follow what you are. I couldn’t be like him, I couldn’t even be like the surrealists. I certainly enjoyed their thinking, but I couldn’t go that way. I just did what I did and I still am. It makes you unpopular, maybe for a lifetime, but I’d rather do that than be popular and doubt what I am.
Tout-Fait: So that’s a quality he could appreciate.
Robert Barnes: He could appreciate that in anybody. Well, look at the people he liked. He did not have great taste in art. He loved a guy named Cremonini. Well Cremonini was a terrible artist. He was Italian and did those kind of long neck people with scrubby faces that didn’t have features.

Click to see video (QT.878KB)
Interview with Robert Barnes
Video 2
Interview with Robert Barnes
(Excerpt), January 2001.

Tout-Fait: Why do you think that he liked that kind of thing?
Robert Barnes: Well he liked him. He would have him over.
Tout-Fait: Well that’s always what he said. Look at the individual and not the art.
Robert Barnes: Well Cremonini was not likeable either. He was very conceited. Knobby head, that was very popular in those days and everyone did that. I think maybe one of the best and the worst thing Marcel offered people was a lack of discrimination. He didn’t discriminate. In doing so, he made the world easier, but by opening up, eliminating, abolishing decision-making tactics in deciding what is art, I think he created a terrible disaster. Because we don’t know what the hell we are doing, there are no standards. The standard now becomes fame or money, neither of which Marcel really cared about. He liked it but he did not ever pursue it. As a result, we have all of these people who want to be seen, and Marcel never wanted to be seen, he almost had to be picked out of life to be seen. I think, I don’t know what he would think if he were alive today, be amused, because he didn’t discriminate. He had this idea once, it comes from a conversation we had so I don’t know if it ever got said again. He wanted to know if we could decide what is art by having a vote. Have you ever heard that idea of his?
Tout-Fait: No.
Robert Barnes: Well he was going to have a world vote and everyone in the world would vote on what is art.
Tout-Fait: So they would get a little questionnaire?
Robert Barnes: Yeah and maybe something, pictures or something, but he thought it would be too hard to find pigmies and so he decided the only way to really get a democratic view of what art is was to have his questionnaire circulated in barber shops. In those days barbershops were not hair salons, they were just barbershops. You read dirty books and magazines and bought rubbers and it was easier than going to the drugstore. He liked those places and he thought that was probably the most democratic.
Tout-Fait: Only men would go there though.
Robert Barnes: Well I suppose he might have let the beauty parlors do the same thing. But that’s how he’d find out what art was.
Tout-Fait: Did anyone follow up on that?
Robert Barnes: No, you didn’t need to. The idea was good enough.
Tout-Fait: At the time you met him, most of the ready-mades were already lost, they only existed in old pictures, he made or bought a few reproductions in the1950s, then he came out with this edition in 1964 collaborating with the Milanese dealer and scholar Arturo Schwarz. Do you have any thoughts on the 1964 edition of the ready-mades?

click to enlarge
The
Locking Spoon
Figure 15
Marcel Ducham,The
Locking Spoon
, 1957

Robert Barnes: First of all, the ready-mades were always being readymade around Marcel. I mean,
things were always being put together or glued, like the spoon on the doorknob(Fig. 15) (8).
You don’t seem to come across any mention of the antlers at the top of the stairs.

Tout-Fait: No, what about those, what stairs?
Robert Barnes: Well they were right at the top of the stairs of his apartment near Bloomingdale’s on the East side. And that’s the apartment that had the great mailbox, Duchamp, Matisse, and Ernst. Art history’s mailbox, really. At the top of the stairs was a set of antlers, really at a dangerous height, so you were always afraid that somebody would come up too fast and get impaled but I think that was the purpose.
Tout-Fait: You could hit your head?
Robert Barnes: It was right about here [motions in front of his chin]. You sort of had to get around it. I remember another thing Duchamp had made. One time he had a way of telling what time it was with the help of mirrors. Either the clock was outdoors or indoors, I can’t remember where the clock was. But he had one mirror at the clock, there’s another that would reverse, and then there’s another that would reverse it back.

click to enlarge
The Clock in Profile
Figure 16
Marcel Duchamp,The Clock
in Profile
, 1964

Tout-Fait: Well he wrote that note of a clock in profile that you can’t tell the time from a clock in profile (Fig. 16). Maybe the idea with the mirrors circumvented that somehow. Did he have that installed in his apartment?
Robert Barnes: Yes.
Tout-Fait: Only temporarily?
Robert Barnes: I don’t remember what happened to it.
Tout-Fait: How many mirrors?
Robert Barnes: Three or five. It had to be an odd number.
Tout-Fait: From a clock tower?
Robert Barnes: No I don’t think so. I don’t know where the clock was. I’m old. That was forty years ago.
Tout-Fait: But what did he do with the antlers. What was the thing with the antlers? He just had them there?
Robert Barnes: Well it was in the hallway outside of the door.
Tout-Fait: Were things hanging from them?
Robert Barnes: No. It would be great to hang things from. His house was always filled with odd little things set up. They all did it. Matta did it too.
Tout-Fait: But the ready-made edition in 1964, why did he do that?
Robert Barnes: I was mad about that.Tout-Fait: You were not in New York anymore?
Robert Barnes: No I was away. And I said to him, “What on Earth possessed you?” Everyone thought that Arturo Schwarz initiated it as a moneymaking venture. I don’t know maybe it was moneymaking. It certainly would be for Arturo.
Tout-Fait: You went to Duchamp, you approached him, and you asked him this?
Robert Barnes: Yeah, I said that I couldn’t understand why he did it. And he explained that it was… I mean, I can make a parallel between the bride in The Glass and the bride fleshed out in Etant Donnes. It goes full circle. The bride is not fleshed and then becomes flesh. With the ready-mades, they were junk and their traversing of time brings them to commercial objects. He told me he was going to have the opening in Macy’s, but I think he was joking or didn’t know it, because they didn’t do it.
Tout-Fait: So when you asked him, what did he say why he did it?
Robert Barnes: That’s what he told me. It was a perfect transit of the readymade from discovery to the crassness of just being a commercial object and it is very interesting that something that was nothing becomes something by our commercial standards, and we judge by money. I mean we were discussing his urinal today. How much did you say that sold that for?

click to enlarge
Fountain
Figure 17
Marcel Duchamp,Fountain,
1964 (1917)

Tout-Fait: An example of the 1964 edition (Fig. 17) went for a little bit above $1.76 million in November 1999.
Robert Barnes: That wasn’t even the original. Here’s a thing where an idea becomes $1.6 million.
Tout-Fait: $1.76 million.
Robert Barnes: The traversing of time, and everything in Duchamp was about the process of transit, it brought a piece of junk toilet to someone who’s very wealthy or a museum’s halls. But it is still worth nothing. But someone paid one point something million.
Tout-Fait: In this case it was the Greek collector Dimitri Daskalopoulos, actually. Why would you think it is impossible for a lot of people to succeed in doing research on the original ready-mades –which Duchamp supposedly bought from stores–scholars like Thomas Zaunschirm or William Camfield writing an entire book about Fountain, or Kirk Varnedoe in 1990/1991, doing the High and Low: Modern Art & Popular Culture show at the Museum of Modern Art trying to find the original Comb (Fig. 18). Rhonda Roland Shearer is continuing to track down the original objects but you just can’t find them, even in the catalogues. Why would that be?

click to enlarge
Comb
Figure 18
Marcel
Duchamp, Comb,
1964 (1916)

Robert Barnes: Because they’re old junk. They’re old junk that lasts, pal.
Tout-Fait: Yeah, but the old catalogues, from the ’10s and ’20s, you should be able to find those things.
Robert Barnes: You’ve got the wrong catalogues, old catalogues get thrown away. But I just this love this business, “Oh, The urinal is a fountain of some¡¦” I mean art historians are bizarre. And again, I’m sure Marcel would be totally amenable to helping them create these bizarre attitudes, because it is again the transit of the thing into something else. It is transmuted and changed into something else. And certainly art history, if anything, transmutes art into something useless.
Tout-Fait: Art history keeps artists alive and Duchamp was always more interested in the audience that came after than in his contemporaries.
Robert Barnes: Self-glorification is what art history is about and “I have discovered this,” or “This is my area.” Crazy nitwits. “Duchamp is my area.” That’s goofy. But Duchamp would love that. He would love to have himself be their “area.” If there were any good looking ones, he’d like that too. But the whole idea of the transformation ¡¦ mystery, transformation, and manipulations–those were the things that Marcel was a magician at. That’s his magic.
Tout-Fait: Paul Matisse, who assembled Etant Donnes, in the Philadelphia Museum of Art, suggested that no one knew about the piece except Duchamp’s wife, Teeny, Duchamp himself, of course, and Maria Martins.
Robert Barnes: Well maybe it helped to sell it to people, make it more exotic.
Tout-Fait: When Bill Copley purchased Etant Donnes through his Cassandra Foundation (9), he knew about it too, so it wasn’t that big of a big secret. He purchased it and then gave it to the Philadelphia Museum of Art. Now, we just talked about the erotic objects that were coming out in the ’50s. When you read reviews–and those people didn’t know about Etant Donnes in the making–they were, for example, described by the New York Times as “bizarre artifacts,” sexual objects of some sort. They didn’t know what to make of them.


click to enlarge
Bottle Rack
Figure 19
Marcel Duchamp,Bottle
Rack, 1964 (1914)

Robert Barnes: The Great Glass was a bizarre sexual object.
Tout-Fait: Almost everything, even the Bottle Rack (Fig. 19).
Robert Barnes: These were the horniest people on earth in an age where we were allowed to be horny without being arrested or sued.
Tout-Fait:I know, it’s a little sad nowadays. The first thing, even before he made the Female Fig Leaf, the Objet-Dard or Wedge of Chastity (Figs. 20, 21) –which he gave to Teeny as a wedding present–before all that he had already made the wedge section of the Wedge of Chastity, the inner sanctum of the Female Fig Leaf cast, if in fact it was a cast. It’s titled Not a Shoe (Fig. 22) and he gave it to Julian Levy (10) in 1950. Those two were pretty close, right?


click to enlarge
     

  • Dart-Object
    Figure 20
    Marcel Duchamp, Dart-Object,
    1951
    (first version)
  • Wedge of Chastity
    Figure21
    Marcel Duchamp,Wedge of
    Chastity,
    1954 (first version)
  • Not
A Shoe
    Figure 22
    Marcel Duchamp,Not
    A Shoe
    , 1950

 


click to enlarge
Robert Barnes,Alfred Stieglitz
Figure 23
Robert Barnes,Alfred Stieglitz,
1966 (as reproduced in Julien
Levy’s Memoir of an
Art Gallery
, New York: Putnam, 1977)
Click to enlarge
Book cover of Tom Swift
Figure 24
Book cover of Tom Swift ;His
Giant Magnet
(New York: Grosset;
Dunlap, 1932; cover illustration: Nat Falk)


Robert Barnes: Yes, Levy was very much like Marcel. They were very close in character. We used to call him the “Jewish Marcel Duchamp.” But he was a remarkable person in his own right. I always thought that it was sad that Julian did not make art. In the end, he did make videos. There are several of them around. I did a painting, an imaginary portrait of Alfred Stieglitz in 1966(Fig. 23), that Julian liked and bought. It was reproduced in Julian’s book Memoir of an Art Gallery and it was such a surprise to see it in there again. It is not a bad painting I guess. I once also did a portrait of Julian from memory that his wife Jean thought very accurate. It showed him with his fly open, which Julian was prone to have. He was phenomenal. Actually I had quite a falling out with Julian because he wanted me to illustrateJacob Again, a book he wrote, a semi-science fiction thing. And the truth is that it wasn’t very good and I couldn’t illustrate it and I doodled around but Julian got impatient with me. I didn’t know what to say.


Tout-Fait: Talking about semi-science, you said there were teenage books that you and Duchamp shared a passion for.

Robert Barnes: Oh, yeah, no one knows about that, do they? Tom Swift and the Giant Magnet(Fig. 24). Tom Swift was a character, I don’t know who wrote them, but they were great children’s books(11).
Tout-Fait: So you were reading them at the time?
Robert Barnes: No, we both knew about them. I don’t know if they got translated into French or where he came across them. He probably found them in the Strand Bookstore or something.
Tout-Fait: How did you get to talk about that?
Robert Barnes: I don’t know how. Maybe I mentioned that some of his things were like the inventions of Tom Swift. Tom Swift was a great inventor, probably much better than Marcel. Some Duchamp scholar should read Tom Swift to see if there’s any correlation with anything.
Tout-Fait: When would Duchamp have first come across the Tom Swift books?
Robert Barnes: Well, I don’t know. Tom Swift books were popular in the ’30s and ’40s and probably even the ’50s.
Tout-Fait: Coming back to the surrealists you knew, Max Ernst was the earliest “acquaintance.” You said you ran away from home when you were 15, and you ran into him in Arizona where he resided with Dorothea Tanning between 1946 and 1953.
Robert Barnes:In Sedona. I didn’t know who the hell he was.
Tout-Fait: You were getting rid of his trash and then you bumped into him again when you were in New York.
Robert Barnes: Yeah. That’s a real odd coincidence because I worked with a friend and we would collect trash from rich people. And Max lived in Sedona then. I wonder what happened to that place. I’m sure his son Jimmy got it and Jimmy is dead now.
Tout-Fait: He was not rich really.


click to enlarge
Max Ernst,Capricorn
Figure 25
Max Ernst,Capricorn,
1947(cast in 1964)

Robert Barnes: No, but we thought he was rich. We didn’t have anything. But we would go around to these homes in Sedona and offer to get rid of their garbage. And in places like that garbage is big business, you never get rid of it. And we offered to take it and dispose of it in a “clean and orderly fashion,” which meant we would dump it in any place we could where no one would see it. My friend had a pick-up truck – all Navahos if they have a vehicle, have turquoise pick-up. And we loaded it up with this plaster from this guy’s home, with faces on it, they were kind of interesting, and dumped them. So somewhere up there if you want to excavate, there’s a whole bunch of rejected Max Ernst sculpture. I have a picture of myself sitting on his “King and Queen”-sculpture (Fig. 25)(12).I looked like I was twelve.
Tout-Fait: While you were down there?
Robert Barnes: Yeah.
Tout-Fait: Who took the picture of you, your friend?
Robert Barnes: Yeah. Max Ernst was very shadowy. Whenever he stayed in New York, he stayed at Marcel’s.
Tout-Fait: What about Man Ray?
Robert Barnes: I didn’t like him.
Tout-Fait: You mentioned that Duchamp once introduced you to a dealer of ethnic art.
Robert Barnes: Yeah, Carlebach I think he was called.
Tout-Fait: Did he take you there?
Robert Barnes: The first time, I went with him. Carlebach was a dealer in ethnic material and he had this store filled, it was what you would expect a junk shop to have, filled from floor to ceiling with all of these ju-ju’s. You could buy an African sculpture for a couple hundred dollars or less.
Tout-Fait: So Duchamp brought you there because he liked the place?
Robert Barnes: Yes.
span class=”textbold”>Tout-Fait: Was there any literature that he recommended to you?
Robert Barnes: Oh yeah. Dujardin and Lautreamont, they all loved Lautreamont, but I’m not going to get into that. The book that was most like Marcel, I don’t know wether he loved it or not, was by A Rebours by Huysmans, Against the Grain. It was so like Marcel. That’s a story of art. Put too much on it and it’s going to die. Actually, Marcel introduced me to French literature, Camus, Celine, he was a bad boy. And of course I never liked Beckett. Beckett is the literary equivalent of Bergmann films, which at the time were very exciting, but if you saw them again, you would get very embarrassed (13).

click to enlarge
cover for The Opposition and
Sister Squares Reconciled
Figure 26
Marcel Duchamp, cover for
The Opposition and
Sister Squares Reconciled
, 1932

Tout-Fait: So Duchamp introduced you to Beckett.
Robert Barnes: Yeah, he mentioned it and then I read it.
Tout-Fait: Beckett’s End Game might in part be based on Marcel’s chess game problem (14)
(Fig. 26). Do you play chess?
Robert Barnes: Yes, I hate it. I absolutely hate it. I played with Marcel because he liked to play with people who didn’t know how to play chess. You know, a chess champion is used to gambits and if he plays with someone who has no idea what they should be doing, it is almost more taxing. He liked that. I would put the pieces in positions that I thought were decorative. And of course I would surrender.
Tout-Fait: Did he teach you?
Robert Barnes: No, it was just a pastime. And what would happen would be that I would sacrifice so many pieces that it was very hard to get a checkmate. Everything is being sacrificed and it was just totally disorganized and I think that was something that Marcel liked.
Tout-Fait: There is this story that he got annoyed with John Cage (15)complaining that Cage never even tried to win. So there was also something where people were good chess players and he just didn’t think that they were trying hard enough to beat him.
Robert Barnes: That was a strange relationship. Didn’t Cage hate Etant Donnes?
Tout-Fait: I don’t know about that.
Robert Barnes: It was a weird relationship and I think egos went¡¦
Tout-Fait: But Cage owes a lot to Duchamp. It’s not the other way around. But now for something completely different: Paul Swan I’m supposed to ask you about. So who was Paul Swan?
Robert Barnes: God, if there was a Duchampian theater, it was Paul Swan. I did paintings with Paul Swan, I’ll show you one later, pastels. Paul Swan was an occupant of the apartments in the Carnegie Hall when the Carnegie Hall was great and real before it was fixed and made up for the deluxe world. In Carnegie Hall there were apartments and they were slowly getting rid of people who were in these apartments because they wanted them back either for space or for rich people. But Paul Swan held on. It was like, you know, what happened in New York with rent control.
Tout-Fait: How old was he?
Robert Barnes: I’ll tell you in a minute. He was very old. And in order to stay and pay the rent, Paul would have his soirees on Saturday evenings and you could go, he couldn’t charge because it was his apartment but there was a donation box. And he would dance and then he would give a little lecture. If you timed it right, you would get in on Paul’s bacchanal. And Marcel introduced me. Matta found Paul Swan, made Marcel go, and then he became a fan. And the best thing that he did was the bacchanal of the Sahara Desert in which he danced naked, virtually; he had veils, very gay. All by himself, he would do the bacchanal of the Sahara Desert losing his veils and ending up totally naked. Paul was in his late 80’s at this time and then he would stand in front of the audience stark naked and would explain the reason why his body was in such great condition and why his skin was so perfect was that he bathed daily in a vat of olive oil and that everyone should do that if they want to stay as young as he is. And he was one of the first health food addicts, he and Francis Stella, they were the first ones to be fanatical about health food. The trouble is, only Paul Swan thought that he still had smooth skin that looked really young. He was really a wreck. His little thingy was all shriveled. And of course everyone would throw money into the box afterwards because it was such a marvelous event.
Tout-Fait: So it wasn’t publicly advertised? Only artists went there basically? It was only known through word of mouth?
Robert Barnes: Yeah, basically. The thing is, he must have made a fortune because no one wanted Paul to get kicked out of Carnegie Hall. I don’t know what happened. I went to Europe after that and lost track but he probably died. Oh, those performances were so superb. It made the happenings seem mundane. You know, they think they started that stuff down at Judson Church. No! Swan’s soirees were a million times more exciting.
Tout-Fait: Every week?
Robert Barnes: I don’t know. I think every week.
Tout-Fait: How many people were there usually?
Robert Barnes: Twenty people. I know Matta always loved to go there and a whole group would go up there.
Tout-Fait: I have another question: You have a few works by Duchamp that he simply gave to you. That was very generous at the time. What did you think?
Robert Barnes: He gave something to me and he would always say, “Look, if you need money sometime, you could probably sell this.” We were thinking like a couple hundred dollars probably. I never sold them. I’ve had hard times. I’m sentimental.
Tout-Fait: It’s not about monetary value; it’s about this guy giving it to you.
Robert Barnes: I’m also not a “hem of the cloak” person.

click to enlarge
Robert Barnes,Belle Haleine
Figure 27
Robert Barnes,Belle
Haleine
, ca. 1995

Tout-Fait: What’s that?
Robert Barnes: Touching Marcel’s hand to become empowered. You know, I did a painting about Marcel and I hate myself for it(Fig. 27).
Tout-Fait: I like it.
Robert Barnes: Well I don’t because I swore that I would never use Marcel in any way as a stepping-stone to anything.
Tout-Fait: Which a lot of people did who didn’t know him as well as you.
Robert Barnes: Yeah, well if you notice, the people that really did know Marcel, don’t like to talk about him. The fact that I’m doing this is really kind of weird. I shouldn’t be. And in some ways it is blasphemous. But there is nothing to blaspheme if you don’t turn Marcel into a God. Marcel was normal and very, very bourgeois. He was a normal guy, very normal. He smoked terrible cigars. He smoked “Blackstones” and he also smoked “La Frederic,” which is like smoking rope.
Tout-Fait: He never did any drugs?
Robert Barnes: No, why would he? Wine’s good enough, isn’t it?
Tout-Fait: Now, Duchamp¡¦

click to enlarge
Marcel Duchamp’s tombstone
Figure 28
Marcel Duchamp’s tombstone
at the Cimitiere Monumental
in Rouen, France

Robert Barnes: He’s dead now, you notice? What is it on his grave? It’s wonderful.
Tout-Fait: “Besides, it’s always the others that die” (Fig. 28). I like that too. We were talking before about how he gave you three or four works of his, and you didn’t ask him for, he didn’t want to get paid for…
Robert Barnes: Get paid?! Marcel never got paid anything.
Tout-Fait: ¡¦for the favors that you did for him or was it just because he felt a certain friendship towards you?
Robert Barnes: That’s what makes real friendship comfortable, when you don’t count favors. I’ve counted favors, all on his side. The guy was generous. Everyone knew that and I think that probably people did take advantage of him. I’m not sure that Schwarz didn’t.
Tout-Fait: And you didn’t run to him and want him to sign certain stuff.
Robert Barnes: Oh yeah, sign.
Tout-Fait: Well that’s good, because some people did.
Robert Barnes: “Oh, mister, can I have your autograph on my ball?”
Tout-Fait: And he probably wouldn’t have refused.
Robert Barnes: No he wouldn’t have.
Tout-Fait: You left New York when?
Robert Barnes: I’m not sure. I went to London to Slade School and had more contact with Matta and Copley, because Copley had a home over there. I had a great dinner once at Copley’s house. We ate off of Magritte plates with parts of the body painted on them and since we were guests of honor, my wife and I (my first wife) got first choice. She got the male plate and I got the female plate. Thought you might have hair in your food, kind of an interesting dinner. Matta always made things interesting.
Tout-Fait: And Matta you were the closest with, he introduced you to everyone and he was just one wild person.
Robert Barnes: Yeah he was a good painter too. You know, I’m not sure where Matta fits in, in the history. You know, who cares. What’s interesting is that we’re living in a generation of young people who are constantly preoccupied with their place in history. What the hell does it matter? Marcel never thought about that. Maybe later on when he started cataloguing stuff, he starting thinking that maybe he wanted to leave some legacy. But legacy is bullshit. But everyone now is “where’s my place in history.” How many times can you ask?
Tout-Fait: Well your generation will not decide who makes it into the history books.
Robert Barnes: No one will decide. Some lizard or something might decide in the final. But people are so worried about whether they are going to be known. Now they create money and become attached to it. I thank God I lived in the era of Marcel and those people, who weren’t. Money was certainly not much of a preoccupation. It drifted across their brains, but it was definitely not much of a preoccupation. It was interesting, I did a talk on de Kooning. (16)
While they were circulating that show of his and I got to the middle of the talk and I suddenly realized and said it out loud that I didn’t think anyone thought they were going to make money from their work, a lot of money, and it wasn’t until the ’70s that it started changing and people started clawing each other to get known, get a gallery, a good gallery, to get this and get that and the art is boring because of it. I mean how much can you be shocked by all the latest things? We have some guy cutting off pieces of his penis in a gallery, good for him.
Tout-Fait: Well it becomes shallow and hollow and everything has been done before and done better mostly.
Robert Barnes: I’m afraid Marcel unleashed some of that and I know he knew it and I think he was a little bit dismayed or amused; it would be both in this case.
Tout-Fait: Well that is what Apollinaire, who first wrote about him in 1913, said– that he was the artist who was going to reconcile people and art (17).The people and art come together and I think in a weird way he did.
Robert Barnes: And then you have to decide whether you want that. It sounds good but I’m not sure that’s what you want. I mean I’m really kind of intrigued by the bardic tradition as the artist being a mysterious power or medium. And in a lot of ways Marcel fit that very well. The Bards could intervene in worlds and stop them and create a poem that would solve everything. Not very realistic. There is something about art not being democratic that might be good. I certainly couldn’t justify it. But I’m functioning on instinct; maybe it’s not good that it’s available so much.
Tout-Fait: I think it is probably something that will change again. Maybe people will get into something else and then art is just there and will survive on its own, hibernating. Look at what is happening to poetry now. Not too many people read poetry. Poetry is really in a state of hibernation. And I mean you don’t really know. Two hundred years down the line poetry might be “the thing.” Everyone goes there and reads that as much as art is being looked at today. That very well might happen but we don’t know.

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Interview with Robert Barnes
Video 3
Interview with Robert Barnes
(Excerpt), January 2001.

Robert Barnes: I don’t object to what’s going on in contemporary art but I do think that it’s kind of boring. I also think that it is so closely meshed with fashion. That fashion brand having the show at the Guggenheim, what show was that?
Tout-Fait: The Armani Show at The Guggenheim, New York, between October 2000 and February 2001.
Robert Barnes: It is totally appropriate. Since it is hard to distinguish art from fashion anyhow. It is kind of interesting that always in the kind of painting that I did, people were denigrating the idea that art imitates life. What we have now is life imitating art and it’s recoiled on us a little bit, hasn’t it?
Tout-Fait: Now with your own art, what I’ve looked at and what I’ve seen in catalogues always seems to be in action, very much so.
Robert Barnes: Figure it out. I mean, what did you do today? We kept moving.
Tout-Fait: Futuristic approach.
Robert Barnes: Oh no, that’s what Marcel knew, transience, everything is in transit and you have to watch it and watch it evolve and transit. Going to a store and watching things move and turn into junk.
Tout-Fait: There are some historic figures that you refer to in your paintings.
Robert Barnes: There is Joyce, Tzara, Stieglitz (18).I really admired Tzara, he reminded me of myself when I was younger.
Tout-Fait: Did you meet him?
Robert Barnes: Once at a thing. It was way towards the end of his life, I think the last year of his life. I don’t remember when he died, in the ’60s. And he said that he thought the last bastion of an icon class was a conservative state.
Tout-Fait: And that’s where we are?

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George W.Bush
Figure 29
George W.Bush, 43rd
President of the United States

Robert Barnes: No I don’t think that’s where we are, but I think that if you want something shocking anymore, it might have to be very conservative. Maybe that’s why we elected that guy with the tiny little (Fig. 29). Things flip back and forth. We’ve experienced so much license. I love license, I love not being under control. But we’ve experienced so much of it that it gets jaded. I mean, sex, sex is boring to kids. I always thought it was my daughters whom I should prohibit having sex and tell them that they can’t do this and it’s terrible so that they’d enjoy it. I thought holding hands was exciting when I was kid, now fucking is about that level, so where do you go up? Maybe killing people or something.
Tout-Fait: That’s true. There’s also a big movement of women who want to stay virgins until they get married.
Robert Barnes: Heh, try it.
Tout-Fait: You put yourself in a very interesting position of course where people will come knock on your door.
Robert Barnes: I have no objection to the drama and distance that people go through to get attention with their so-called works of art, except that they are getting known and I don’t like it. I don’t like getting known to art, particularly.
Tout-Fait: In a way, since there are no more movements…
Robert Barnes: Do you know what killed the movements? When someone decided to call the last movement that we heard of Neo-Geo. Even the yuppies laughed when you uttered that one, they did try Neo-romanticism after that. That was so pathetic.
Tout-Fait: Well because there is a lot of individuality going on, I think that in order to be an artist you also have to have social skills, to be a socializer, you know, schmoozing up to the right people and all to get exposure so that you will win a gallery show. Now it’s not in the hand of artists anymore. In a way it is tough to get back from there.
Robert Barnes: You know, Dada thought that they were anti-art. The social extremes of art is what really created an anti-art atmosphere and at a certain point it got exciting to see something that wasn’t trying to bop you. But I don’t know if we can go back to a state where we enter into something that is coming at us. And you know I always thought that the worst thing that happened – and I really didn’t discourage my children from it – was Sesame Street. Everyone raised their hands and said “Isn’t that wonderful, our children are learning the alphabet.” They are being shrieked at by purple animals and then at a certain point school started to entertain the students. I mean I ran into that in college. The best professors, the ones that are really given the awards, were the ones that were very eccentric, entertainers, and that’s nuts.
Tout-Fait: The entertainment thing is very American. That you have to entertain.
Robert Barnes: What it does is it closes you out of the act. It makes you victim of the act but it closes you out of the experience. All of your experience is sensation and you’re not allowed to move in. When I’m in Italy, I love to go see some of these Renaissance paintings that you can’t leave. You have to stay in those paintings; you can’t just say “look I’m shocked” and then go on. No, you look and you wonder.
Tout-Fait: That has already started with the reproduction of images in catalogues since the early 20th century. You are conditioned. You flip through them and you can look at all of this stuff very fast and no one is really strained, it is not demanded of you and you are not trained to appreciate art by looking at it for a very long time. Or by making that effort because you think that everything should be fast and then move on.
Robert Barnes: Well I’m not complaining. I think it’s good and that if it does destroy art as a thing, art as a possession or a commodity, then that is fine. We will start at another level and find something else.
Tout-Fait: Can you repeat the story about the turtle again that’s been sitting on your lap since the beginning of our interview?
Robert Barnes: There’s a guy in Michigan. I used to buy stuffed animals, taxidermy. He’s a master. I mean this turtle is beautiful, it even has mud on his back. It’s just a gorgeous piece of art, this thing. And he was a master, I mean I went up there and he was stuffing a polar bear.
Tout-Fait: You needed these for your art basically?
Robert Barnes: Yeah I like them around. My wife paints still-lives with them in it and I just like them to be here. Maybe it’s because they’re not supposed to be here. Well I would call him and he would sell me things that people would pay him a deposit to do and never come back for them. So I would pay the other part of the fee and they were cheap, like thirteen, fifteen dollars. So all of the sudden I tried calling and I could not get through and finally I checked up and called information and, I guess it can be told now, this guy tells me, “we had his phone tapped for a year.” Turns out he had been stuffing his animals with dope. A great way when you think of it. Who is going to suspect? If this turtle here is full of cocaine that would be very nice. I still don’t think I would open it up because it is too beautiful.
Tout-Fait: Is that the place where you got the pigskin?
Robert Barnes: No, no this was much later.
Tout-Fait: Do you remember the place where you got the pigskin?
Robert Barnes: I think it was in Trenton.
Tout-Fait: In Trenton, where he supposedly got the urinal.
Robert Barnes: Trenton’s a great place.
Tout-Fait: Was that a meat place?
Robert Barnes: A butcher. I didn’t know the urinal came from there. Trenton might be an art center. Did you ever think of that?
Tout-Fait: That was where the Trenton Pottery was, where Duchamp’s Mutt-urinal was supposedly made.
Robert Barnes: You see it’s an art center.
Tout-Fait: Why go to a butcher in Trenton if there are so many in New York?
Robert Barnes: Because no one would do it. Can you get pigskin off without wrecking it?
Tout-Fait: No, but that butcher could?

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Titian,The Flaying of Marsyas
Figure 30
Titian,The Flaying of
Marsyas
, 1575-1576

Robert Barnes:I guess so. I live in this country village in Italy and the guy that butchers pigs every year asked me “Roberto, I want you to help me with the slaughter tomorrow.” And I said, “Vittorio, I’m a painter, not really a butcher.” And he said, “I have to get up at four in the morning. I want to be with someone who is a good conversationalist. I’ll show you how to kill pigs.” And he did. If you knew what was inside of pigs, you wouldn’t eat them. It was awful stuff. But it was interesting and that’s what got me started to do paintings about the Flaying of Marsyas (Fig. 30)(19),it means the removal of the external self in the Renaissance and I always liked the idea of peeling away layers. The painting came much later so I must have had the Duchampian idea on my mind of peeling away a skin and putting it somewhere else. People used to dress and masquerade in skins sometimes, not just furs, but sometimes other people’s skins. Anyway, the Italian butcher had me killing these pigs and it really is a shocking experience. Pigs are very human and it is very much like a human sacrifice. I did a lot of Flaying of Marsyas paintings after that. I never did a pig, but it is an act that you don’t forget.
Tout-Fait: You’re not happy with pop art?
Robert Barnes: Well why, I’m not unhappy either.
Tout-Fait: While we took our stroll through the Bloomington Art Museum you looked at certain paintings and said “Oh my God.”
Robert Barnes: Well I remember I had kids books “look at the spot” and then you’d look away and see a spot, so what? You know what we’ve done over the last hundred years? We have dissected the work of art. You have optical art, which is the visual, you have abstract expression, which was so involved with the touch, and I still love that. That’s probably why I don’t do other things because I love the feel of paint, very sensual, very sexual.
Tout-Fait: Touch is something you are never allowed to do in museums.
Robert Barnes: Museums are another story. They are mortuaries. You have abstract expression, which deals with surface, optical art, which is the effects of light and dark, of colors, you have pop art, which deals with subject matter. Basically the idea and sensation of the image left behind tactility and in some cases the optical effect of color. Duchamp represented the bigger idea of art as an idea or idea as the gas, motivated by the gas of the people, and that is probably the best of the bunch. If you keep dissecting, even conceptual art is just the idea. I always think that conceptual art grew out of the academic.
Tout-Fait: Conceptual art owes to Duchamp as well.
Robert Barnes: Yeah but see Duchamp appealed to the academics because he was an intellectual. Not that they ever understood it or ever would or could or should, but it was an intellectual act, so they had to distort it. The revenge, the way academics wreck art is by explaining it. It’s the most obscene thing you do. And look at the books on Marcel, thousands of books on Marcel, all of them falling over each other to explain. The best would be a book that is so absurd that it becomes another work, almost a readymade or some absurdity. But at any rate, I think that the conceptual art grew out of the academics, explaining so much that they finally did the ultimate thing, got rid of the act of art or work and had only the explanation of it. That’s fine, terrific, but I don’t like the pieces.
Tout-Fait: The only thing Duchamp wasn’t was political.
Robert Barnes: I never heard him say anything¡¦ political in what way?
Tout-Fait: Well, all of his known remarks on politics and world affairs probably do not exceed five hundred words.
Robert Barnes: Don’t you ever think that is the artist’s posture?
Tout-Fait: Well I would think that you would be a little bit more concerned about both world wars, nuclear bombs, and even the student riots in 1968.
 

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Pablo Picasso, Guernica
Figure 31
Pablo Picasso, Guernica, 1937

Robert Barnes: If you lookat it, Picasso (20)was very artificial in terms of his political acts, even the communist party was so inept that he didn’t like it.
Tout-Fait: Well Guernica (Fig. 31)was always¡¦
Robert Barnes: Well I’m not sure that that was even a factor, it didn’t certainly stop anything. Politics and art. Politics is always pathetic when it gets involved in art.
Tout-Fait: Well the other way around, you just talked about being the bard, being able to stop the war.
Robert Barnes: Well we can’t do that anymore. Walking onto the battlefield is a little easier than having missiles shot at you. I think that the political posture is almost designed for the artist. It’s pathetic. I like to shock people by saying that war is probably the ultimate work of art, so ultimate that, if you don’t do it well, you get killed. Artists are always talking about how hard it is to be an artist or make works or how painful¡¦ War is really horrible, painful, and if you do make a mistake, you don’t get a chance to erase it or wipe it off a canvas. I always think artists are such ninnies. I mean we can change everything and in a sense that is good but if you run over somebody on the street, you can’t back up and have them come back to life. In painting, if you make a mistake or everything goes wrong, you can wipe it off.
Tout-Fait: Because they’re suffering so much without actually experiencing¡¦
Robert Barnes: There’s no suffering involved in a work of art. But maybe realizing that you’re stupid is suffering.
Tout-Fait: So a lot more people are involved in the arts that probably should be doing something else.
Robert Barnes: Well 99% probably. That’s why they teach.

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  • Robert Barnes and his studio
  • Robert Barnes and his studio

 

  • Robert Barnes and his studio
  • Robert Barnes and his studio
  • Robert Barnes and his studio

Robert Barnes and his studio, Bloomington, January 2001
 
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Robert Barnes,Oak
Robert Barnes,Oak (Duir), 2000


 

Notes

Footnote Return *Art Historian Herbert Molderings, with whom I have discussed this matter prior to the publication of this interview, expressed some doubt that–based on his recent research with specialists–the material used for the torso of Etant Donnes could actually be pigskin. (Only an examination of the material used for Given‘s torso, conducted by the Philadelphia Museum of Art, could once and for all clarify this matter). In a follow-up conversation with Robert Barnes (via phone on 1/14/2002), the artist, in addition to what he had said in the initial interview, recalled to have picked up the pigskin at a dock from a butcher dressed in a white apron. He picked up one big barrel, filled with water or brine which, upon delivery, was left at the base of the staircase leading up to Duchamp’s apartment since it was too heavy for both men to carry upstairs.

Footnote Return 1.Chilean Surrealist painter Roberto Matta Echaurren (*1911) had met and admired Duchamp even before his arrival in New York in 1939. For more information on Matta and his relationship to Duchamp, see the introduction to this issue’s facsimile in the “Collection”-square, Rarity from 1944: A Facsimile of Duchamp’s Glass (by Katherine S. Dreier and Roberto Matta Echaurren)

Footnote Return 2. Between late 1951 and April 3, 1959, Duchamp (when in New York), lived in an apartment on 327 East 58th Street together with his wife Alexina “Teeny” Sattler whom he married on January 16, 1954. The fourth-floor walk-up was still rented by the German Surrealist painter Max Ernst (1891-1976) and his wife, the American Surrealist artist Dorothea Tanning (* 1910), both of whom moved to France in 1951.

Footnote Return 3.German-born avant-garde artist and filmmaker Hans Richter. The chess-game based story of 8×8, shot in the United States and featuring, among others, Jackie Matisse and Marcel Duchamp, includes a sequence showing the latter as the Black King.

Footnote Return click to enlarge Balthus Balthus, (Untitled),1963

4. Long after the interview, it came to my attention that Virginie Monnier – in her “Catalog of Works” published in Jean Clair’s (ed.) Balthus exhibition catalogue for the late artist’s major retrospective at the Palazzo Grassi, Venice, 9 September 2001 – 6 January 2002 (Milan: Bompiani, 2001) – had described Courbet’s famous painting as incorrect. Comparing it to an untitled pencil drawing by Balthus from 1963 (a Courbet rasee, so to speak, though Balthus’ adolescent model might not have had any hair to speak of), which was obviously inspired by Courbet, Monnier writes: “[I]ndeed it reproduces an anatomical inaccuracy that in Courbet had caused outrage: the cleft of the vulva, as thin as a line, goes all the way to the crease of the anus, ignoring the anatomical particularities of the female body.” (p. 388)

Footnote Return 5.Brazilian Surrealist sculptor Maria Martins (1894-1973); between ca. 1943-1948, Duchamp had an intense liaison with the wife of the Brazilian ambassador to the United States. For a detailed discussion of the early stages of Given‘s production, see the article Marcel Duchamp’s Window Display for Andre Breton’s Le Surrealisme et la Peinture, 1945 in the Articles-section of this issue of Tout-Fait.

Footnote Return 6.Spanish Surrealist artist Joan Miro (1893-1983).

Footnote Return 7.Romanian-born Constantin Brancusi (1876-1957) was one of 20th century’s leading sculptors and a close friend of Duchamp’s from their early years in Paris. For some time, Duchamp became his representative, selling Brancusi’s sculptures, mostly to affluent American collectors.

Footnote Return 8.Duchamp’s Locking Spoon (or Verrou de surete a la cuiller), a semi-readymade involving the door of his New York apartment in 1957, is based on a modified pun first printed in Francis Picabia’s 391 in July 1924.

Footnote Return 9.The American artist, dealer and collector William Copley (1919-1996) met Duchamp in New York in the early 1940s and became an avid supporter and friend. His Cassandra Foundation purchased Etant Donnes and assured its transfer to the Philadelphia Museum of Art.

Footnote Return 10. American art dealer Julien Levy (1906-1981) was the first to sponsor a show on Surrealism and he is generally regarded as having played an essential role in the shift of the cultural avant-garde from Paris to New York. He and Duchamp oftentimes collaborated on various shows and projects.

Footnote Return 11.Mostly written by Howard Garis under the pseudonym “Victor Appleton,” the highly popular juvenile literature series of Tom Swift’s adventures were published in 40 individual volumes by Grosset & Dunlap between 1910 – 1941. Every book featured a great abundance of scientific inventions. In the spirit of Jules Verne, Alfred Jarry and (to a lesser extent) Raymond Roussel, the books must certainly have held some charm for Duchamp.

 

Footnote Return 12.According to Dorothea Tanning, Max Ernst’s sculpture Capricorn (Sedona, 1947) was first conceived as a garden sculpture “of regal but benign deities that consecrated our ‘garden’ and watched over its inhabitants.” (See: Dorothea Tanning, Birthday (San Francisco: Lapis, 1986) Ernst himself referred to the sculpture as a family portrait, depicting Dorothea, his two dogs and himself. It was cast in bronze and first turned into an edition in 1964.

Footnote Return 13.French writer Edouard Dujardin’s (1868-1947) Les Lauriers sont coupees, 1888 (or The Laurels Have Been Cut), is often regarded to be the first novel introducing direct interior monologue; the writings of French author Isidore Ducasse (aka Comte de Lautreamont, 1846-1870) were held in high esteem by the Surrealists, who regarded his eccentric writing as a precursor to their own movement (especially his Les Chants de Maldoror, 1869); decadent French novelist and art critic Joris Karl Huysmans (1848-1907), A rebours, 1884; French existentialist writer Albert Camus (1913-1960); French novelist Louis Ferdinand Celine (1894-1961); Irish playwright and novelist Samuel Beckett (1906 -1989), End Game, 1957; Swedish film and theater director Ingmar Bergman (*1918)

Footnote Return 14.In 1932, together with the chess master Vitaly Halberstadt, Marcel Duchamp co-wrote and designed a book on a highly specific endgame situation in chess, L’Oppostion et les cases conjuguees sont reconciliees (or Opposition and Sister Squares are Reconciled), published in French, German and English by L’Echiquir (Edmond Lancel): Brussels.

Footnote Return 15.American avant-garde musician John Cage (1912-1992) came under Duchamp’s spell soon after Cage arrived in New York in 1942.

Footnote Return 16.Willem de Kooning (1904-1997). Born in Rotterdam, the action painter was one of the founding members of what came to be known as The New York School.

Footnote Return 17.French poet, art critic, writer and socialite Guillaume Apollinaire (1880-1918) was an early admirer of Duchamp. In his book of 1913, Les Peintres Cubistes, he made the statement that “[p]erhaps it will be the task of an artist as detached from aesthetic preoccupations and as intent on the energetic as Marcel Duchamp, to reconcile art and the people.

Footnote Return 18.The Irish writer James Joyce (1882-1941), author of Ulysses, 1922, and Finnegans Wake, 1939; early Romanian Dadaist Tristan Tzara (1896-1963); Alfred Stieglitz (1864-1946), influential American photographer and promoter of photography as an independent form of art.

Footnote Return 19. In Ovid’s Metamorphoses, the satyr Marsyas challenged Apollo in a contest with a flute. After the muses declared his defeat, Apollo flayed him. Ever since the sculptures of the Hellenistic Period (often using the fable as a means to extol their knowledge of the human anatomy), this theme has inspired artists in all fields throughout the ages. Our example shows the myth as depicted in oil on canvas by the Italian Renaissance painter Titian.

Footnote Return 20.Pablo Picasso (1881-1973). Considered by many to be one of the 20th century’s pre-eminent artist’s most important paintings, Guernica depicts the horrors of the German bombing of the Spanish town of Guernica on April 26, 1937. The nationalist regime of General Franco had asked the German Luftwaffe’s “Legion Condor” to bomb the Basque town during the Spanish Civil War.

Fig. 1-3, 4-6, 8, 9, 11, 14, 15-17, 18-22, 26, 28

¨Ï2002 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris. All rights reserved.




Marcel Duchamp and the End of Taste: A Defense of Contemporary Art

Jean Clair, director of the Musée Picasso in Paris, and in recent years a fierce ritic of l’art contemporain, was a major interpreter through the 1970s of the work of Marcel Duchamp.He organized the great Duchamp retrospective in 1975 – the inaugural exhibition at the Centre Pompidou – and he wrote a catalogue raisonné of Duchamp’s work. Surprisingly, in light of this earlier dedication, he has come to hold that artist in large measure responsible for what he regards as the deplorable condition of contemporary art. He has recently collected his writings on Duchamp under the title Marcel Duchamp et la fin de l’art;(1) and it is clear from his denunciatory essay, “The Muses Decomposed,”(2) that he closely identifies la fin de l’art with what he there describes as the fin de siècle art of the late twentieth century. It is marked, as Jean Clair sees it, by the ascendancy of a “new aesthetic category” made up of “repulsion, abjection, horror and disgust.” Disgust is a “common trait, a family resemblance” of the art produced today “not only in America and Europe, but even in the ountries of central Europe recently thrown open to western modernity.” The French language permits a play on words between goût (taste) and dégoût (disgust) unavailable in English,which finds no such clear morphemic nexus between taste and disgust. It allows us to paraphrase Jean Clair’s view of la fin de l’art as the end of taste – a state of affairs in which disgust now occupies the position antecedently occupied by taste. And this indeed, as Jean Clair sees it, expresses the sad decline of art over the past few centuries: “From taste …we have passed on to disgust.”

It is certainly true that taste, as a normative concept, was the governing category in the eighteenth century, when the discipline of aesthetics was established. Taste was centrally connected with the concept of pleasure, and pleasure itself was understood as a sensation subject to degrees of refinement. There were standards of taste, and a curriculum, in effect, of aesthetic education. Taste was not merely what this or that person preferred, all things being equal, but what any person whatever ought to prefer. What people do prefer differs from individual to individual – but what they ought to prefer is ideally a matter of universal consensus. Such was the position of Kant in his great Critique of Judgment, the crowning work of Enlightenment aesthetics. Kant argued that to claim that something is beautiful is not to predict that everyone else will so find it, but to assert that veryone ought to find it so. There is thus a degree of logical parity between moral and aesthetic judgments, since the former,too, entail universalization as a condition of validity.

Disgust, curiously, was noticed by Kant as a mode of ugliness resistant to the kind of pleasure which even the most displeasing things – “the Furies, diseases, the devastations of war”- are capable of causing when represented as beautiful by works of art. “That which excites disgust [Ekel],” Kant writes, “cannot be represented in accordance with nature without destroying all aesthetic satisfaction.”(3) The representation of a disgusting thing or substance has on us the same effect that the presentation of a disgusting thing or substance would itself have. Since the purpose of art is taken to be the production of pleasure – what Duchamp would later describe as “retinal pleasure”- in the viewer, only the most perverse of artists would undertake to represent the disgusting, which cannot “in accordance with nature,” produce pleasure in normal viewers. There are, to be sure, those who derive a perverted pleasure in experiencing what the normal viewer finds disgusting: who have, one might say, “special tastes.” The artists whom Jean Clair has in mind, however, would not have this special audience in view. Their aim is precisely to cause through their art sensations which, in Kant’s phrase, “we strive against with all our might.” Kant would have no recourse but to regard this, as Jean Clair in effect does, as the perversion of art. It would be of no value to the artists in question if a taste for the disgusting were to be normalized. It is essential to their aims that the disgusting remain disgusting, not that audiences learn to take pleasure in it, or find it somehow beautiful.


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The Prince of the World, Nuremberg,
circa 1320~30

Andrea Mantegna, Madonna and Child,
1506

It is difficult to know what art Kant might have had in mind by disgusting works of art, mainly because it is difficult to think of any actual examples that could have come his way. I have seen some sculptures from Nuremberg from the late Gothic era, where a figure, which looks comely and strong from the front, is displayed in a state of wormy decay when seen from behind: the body is shown the way it would look decomposing in the grave(4). Such sights explain why we actually bury the dead. It is intended thus to be seen as revolting by normal viewers, and there can be no question of what is the intended function of showing bodily decay with the skill of a Nuremberg stone carver. It is not to give the viewer pleasure. It is, rather, to disgust the viewer, and in so doing, to act as a vanitas(5),
reminding us through presentation that the flesh is corrupt, and its pleasures a distraction from our higher aspirations, namely to achieve everlasting blessedness and avoid eternal punishment. To show the human body as disgusting is certainly to violate good taste, but Christian artists were prepared to pay this price for what Christianity regards as our highest moral purpose.There is a magnificent piece of criticism by Roger Fry of a Madonna and Child by Mantegna. “The wizened face, the creased and crumpled flesh of a new born babe … all the penalty, the humiliation, almost the squalor attendant upon being ‘made flesh’ are marked.” I once commented upon this passage this way: “God will have to take on the appurtenances of gender and become the subject of pain in order to undergo the redemptive agonies the Christian narrative requires: as enfleshed, he must begin as helplessly as we all begin – hungry, wet, soiled, confused, colicky, crying, dribbling, babbling, drooling, and totally ependent.”(6) With qualifications, and only rarely in the spirit of the Christian vanitas, the artists who have recourse to what Jean Clair stigmatizes as disgust today, do so in the interests of some higher moral purpose as well. They rarely concern themselves with the disgusting as such and for its own sake.

It shows the degree to which even Kant was a creature of his own cultural moment that the idea of art serving a purpose higher than the production of beauty does not figure in his account. He is entirely satisfied with having shown a logical parallel between moral and aesthetic judgments, without so much as asking whether and in what degree the production of beauty itself serves or can serve some higher moral ends. It is quite as if beauty were its own end, justifying the practice of art through its existence alone. Kant never asks what the purpose of the disgusting might be in a work of art, or why the dereliction of beauty might be a moral means. So I assume he cannot have seen the sorts of works I have described – the iconoclasm that swept Protestant Europe in the sixteenth century perhaps robbed him of examples. Indeed, Kant can only see such images as might have remained as decorations. “We could add much to a building,” Kant writes, “which would immediately please the eye if only it were not to be a church.”(7) Its being a church in Koenigsburg set boundaries to ornamentation, as if ornament were inconsistent with the momentousness of the house of God,and God himself a minimalist.
There is, significantly, very little notice given to the disgusting in the history of aesthetics from Kant to Jean Clair. This shows that however bloody the history of Europe has been, most particularly in the Twentieth century, we remain very much men and women of the Enlightenment in our philosophies of art. Aesthetics itself has been regarded as part of what Santayana designates as the Genteel Tradition, in which the disgusting, because unmentionable, was unmentioned, and art was taken as logically incapable of giving offence: if it gave offense, it was after all not art. So art itself continued to conform to Enlightenment imperatives, dedicated to the production of beauty. What was initially so revolting to viewers of Modern Art, whenever it began, was that it itself gave offense, not that it represented offensive things. So far as subject-matter is concerned, Modernism was fairly conservative: it showed the faces, landscapes, still lifes, and figure studies – the girl at the window or standing in the garden – which had pretty much been the canon of beaux arts motifs, once historical painting was downgraded from its pinnacle in the academic hierarchies, and artists became dependent more on sales than on

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Edouard Manet, Olympia, 1863

commissions. It was in part for this reason that apologists for modernism felt confident that once the strange ways of showing these things was adjusted to, the new work – Cubist or Fauve or Futurist – would be found beautiful after all, as if the gratification of taste were the destiny of art, however revolutionary its means. In The Guermantes Way, Proust writes of the way “the unbridgeable gulf between what they considered a masterpiece by Ingres and what they supposed must for ever remain a ‘horror'(Manet’s Olympia, for example) shrink until the two canvases seemed like twins.”
(8)

It is only against the thesis that it is the purpose of art to gratify taste (goût) that an art aimed instead at arousing disgust (dégoût) will be considered at odds with itself. That thesis can hardly be said to have envisioned the vanitas sculptures I have described, the point of which was not at all to give pleasure, but o remind us to rectify our conduct before it is too late. Finding pleasure, whether in art or in anything else, would be a distraction from our Christian duty, and the beautiful body was a trap. But it was in part to ease the burden of that duty that Enlightenment attitudes existed, including the aesthetic attitude itself. So in artistic practice no less than in the philosophy of art, there is a fairly uninterrupted tradition, from Baumgarten through Santayana to the Bloomsbury Formalists, like Roger Fry and Clive Bell, which connected art and taste, beauty and pleasure, in a tight conceptual package.

There were some important dissenters. Hegel, for example, was fairly dismissive of the concept of taste. “Taste is directed only to the external surface on which feelings play,” he wrote. “So-called ‘good taste’ takes fright at all the deeper effects of art and is silent when externalities and incidentals vanish.”(9) Moreover, Hegel considers art to have been, in its high moments, part of what he terms Absolute Spirit. Art becomes a matter of Absolute Spirit when, whatever other roles it may play, it offers, like religion and philosophy, “one way of bringing to our minds and expressing the Divine, the deepest interests of mankind and the most comprehensive truths of the spirit.”(10)
It is fairly obvious that the vanitas carvings belong to art considered in this way, and so, I will argue, does much of the art to which Jean Clair addresses his philippic. It is true that in Hegel’s view, art is a superceded moment of Absolute Spirit, and it is in this sense that Hegel famously pronounces the end of art. Its mission, in Hegel’s system, is to be taken over by metaphysics. In a lesser way – which has entirely to do with the evocation of pleasure -Hegel concedes that art will continue to “intersperse with its pleasing forms everything from the war-paint of savages to the splendor of temples with all their riches of adornment.”
(11)

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“Veilchenschwank,”Neidhart-Frescoes (detail),
ca. 1400, Tuchlauben, Vienna © Photo:
Bundesdenkmalamt Wien, 2000

Disgust, of course, does not constitute a “pleasing form.” It would indeed be in bad taste to interject the disgusting in the name of art construed as pleasure. There is an amusing fresco in the Tuchlauben in Vienna, dating from about 1400, and part of a cycle which constitutes the first known secular paintings in Austria. It is based on a scene in the poetry of Neidhart von Reuental (1180-1240), in which the poet, seeing the first flower of Spring, covers it with his hat, and runs to bring his fine lady to see this lovely sight. He is observed by a peasant, however, who lifts up the hat, pulls down his breeches, and deposits a turd next to the flower, before covering it back up with the poet’s hat. Eek! We imagine poet and lady crying out, as everyone else laughs heartily, the way human beings after all do. When art played its higher role, however, the disgusting had a far deeper meaning than conjoining turd with tulip in a raw practical joke. Since pleasure had nothing to do with the case, bad taste was not part of the moral complex in question. It would only have been in its more frivolous dimension, as gratifying taste, that the disgusting would have been ruled out, though I can recall no specific mention of this in Hegel’s writing, but as we shall see, Hegel does see the disgusting as a central constituent of art in its highest calling.

The other exception to what one might think of as the mauve twilight of the reign of taste, is Nietzsche. Certainly there would have been no room in what he terms Apollinian art for the disgusting, but it is quite thinkable that what in our Apollonian moments we would reject as disgusting could have, perhaps must have figured in the intoxication and frenzy of Dionysiac art. Euripides’ Bacchae does not show someone being torn limb from limb – does not show the followers of Dionysus plunging their hands into blood and viscera. But, other than in sexual transport and wild dancing – other than in sex, drugs, and rock-n’-roll – what, other than handling disgusting or forbidden substances, is likely to come up when our Apollinian defenses are down? Behavior is very likely to be regressive when we are in such states.

Richard Wollheim has brilliantly described the paintings of Willem de Kooning from the perspectives of regression:

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Willem de Kooning, Untitled XX, 1977

The sensations that de Kooning cultivates are, in more ways than one, the most fundamental in our repertoire. They are those sensations which give us our first access to the external world and they also, as they repeat themselves, bind us forever to the elementary forms of pleasure into which they initiated us. Both in the grounding of human knowledge and in the formation of human desire, they prove basic. De Kooning then crams his pictures with infantile experiences of sucking, touching,biting, excreting, retaining, smearing, sniffing, wallowing, gurgling, stroking, wetting.

And these pictures…contain a further reminder. They remind us that, in their earliest occurrence, these experiences invariably posed a threat. Heavily charged with excitation, they threaten to overwhelm the fragile barriers of the mind that contained them, and to swamp the immature, precarious self.(12)

This catalog reminds us of how the fact of human embodiment is dramatized by Christian art by taking the condition of the human infant as primitive. It is that condition that someone steeped in the psycho-analytical theory of primal process, as Wollheim is, will construe as the default position of human awareness. The infant is ionysiac, the adult is Apollonian. Jean Clair strikes the Apollonian pose when he describes the contemporary artist in terms strikingly consonant with the feelings which de Kooning in-corporates in his art:

The contemporary artist resembles the unweaned infant who, unable as yet, in the early stages of development, to perceive the boundaries separating his body from that of his mother, seeks in the tactile and olefactive experience of his own excrement the frontiers that define his identity. With the raising of brute corporality to the status of a work of art, we would seem to have come full circle(13).

As indeed we have, if we count de Kooning as at least a proto-contemporary artist. It is in any case difficult to see how de Kooning can escape what Jean Clair calls “the aesthetic of the dunghill.” He certainly would not easily be thought to exemplify “an aesthetic of the delicate, the refined and the quintessential [that] marked that of the late nineteenth century.” So the question is how it is that the Realm of Taste has come full circle,eturning to what had been possible for it before the advent of Enlightenment aesthetics. Or, in Jean Clair’s own words, “How did we arrive at this stage in our history, this era of disgust? When did it all begin, and what models were used?”(14)

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Piero Manzoni, Artist’s Shit, May 1961

Joseph Beuys, Fat Chair, 1964

Marcel Duchamp, Fountain, 1917 © 2000 Succession
Marcel Duchamp,ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Il catologo e questo, as Leporello says. “If we cast about for predecessors for this abject or repulsive or excremental art, examples of which present themselves in ever growing numbers to our eyes, there is no shortage of examples to choose from.” He mentions various artists of varying degrees of stature, from Piero Manzoni, who presented Merda d’artista in cans, certainly as an avant-garde joke,(15) and Joseph Beuys, who used animal fat at a symbolic material in his art.It would have to be a very squeamish individual, and perhaps a vegetarian as well, who finds lard – or felt, which was Beuys’s other signature substance – disgusting. For Beuys, these were exemplars of nourishment and warmth, very powerful requirements of the fragile human body, brought to great awareness in the condition of deprivation countless many human beings sustained in the aftermath of the Second World War. Beuys claims that he himself had been covered with fat and wrapped with felt by Kurdish tribesmen when he was shot down as an aviator in that war, and restored bit by bit to health. That is hardly an avant garde joke. It is, by contrast, a creative expansion of the inventory of artist’s materials in order to present as art something which conveys with a certain immediacy the kind of universal human meaning that qualifies it as falling under Absolute Spirit. It is, however, Marcel Duchamp whom Jean Clair regards as “primus inter pares.” Duchamp, more than anyone else, insinuated the disgusting into the ontemporary artistic repertoire when he attempted to enter a urinal as a work of art into the Exhibition of Independent Artists in New York, in 1917. It was unmistakably a urinal, despite its having been signed and dated R.Mutt, 1917, and it has, far more than Manzoni’s or even Beuys’s works, attained a legendary stature in the annals of twentieth century art.
But as an example of the disgusting? This goes so against the grain of anyone but Jean Clair’s idea of what is disgusting, and runs so counter to the way most of us in the artworld think of Duchamp’s gesture, that we can understand how he should want to blame the artworld itself for having colluded in bringing art so low: “Museum directors,curators of large international gatherings, art-critics in reviews and magazines,” Jean Clair writes, “apart from one or two timid attempts at resistance soon snuffed out in the pervading climate of conformity, an entire artistic establishment, from Venice to Paris, from Berlin to Los Angeles, favors and applauds this all-engulfing art of abjection.”(16) I dare say that Jean Clair counts his own widely debated attacks on l’art contemporain as among the “timid attempts at resistance.”
Now I want to say that a case can be made that Duchamp made it possible for artists today to use “abject” materials to produce experiences in viewers of the kind that Beuys evidently believed could only be provoked by the actual use of fat and of felt. The case can only be made circuitously, however, and it cannot be thought to offer the slightest support for Jean Clair’s condemnation of such art, or for his interpretation of what Duchamp achieved in his legendary failed effort to subvert the Society of Independent Artists by submitting a urinal, signed and titled, to its exhibition in 1917.(17) The artistic use of non-standard materials must certainly be traced back to Duchamp’s ready-mades of 1915-1917, though I suppose it is part of the revolution Duchamp effected that the distinction between standard and non-standard materials has vanished from critical thought today. And so has the concept of taste vanished from critical assessment of works of art. These two achievements (or disasters, as they evidently appear to Jean Clair) are connected. Duchamp, I think single-handedly, demonstrated that it is entirely possible for something to be art without having anything to do with taste at all, good or bad. Thus he put an end to that period of aesthetic thought and practice which was concerned, to use a title of David Hume’s, with the standard of taste. This does not mean that the era of taste (goût) has been succeeded by the era of disgust (dégoût).It means, rather, that the era of taste has been succeeded by the era of meaning. The question is not whether something is in good or bad taste, but what does it mean. It is true that Duchamp made it possible to use substances and forms that do or can induce disgust. That is now an option.But whether or not to exercise that option is entirely a matter of what meaning an artist means to convey. I might add that it is also an option,rather than an imperative, to induce pleasure of the kind associated with beauty. That too is a choice for artists for whom the use of beauty has a meaning. It was, it must be said, not an option Duchamp chose to exercise because he was engaged in the overthrow of taste as an artistic imperative. But disgust is too strong an affect to associate in any degree with Duchamp’s work, however off-color it may on occasion have been.

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Marcel Duchamp, Comb, 1916 © 2000
Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Constantin Brancusi, Princess X, 1916

This overcoming of taste was the achievement of his readymades of 1915-1917, intended to exemplify the most radical dissociation of aesthetics from art. “A point which I very much want to establish is that the choice of these ‘readymades’ was never dictated by aesthetic delectation,” Duchamp wrote, retrospectively in 1961. “The choice was based on a reaction of visual indifference with at the same time a total absence of good or bad taste…in fact a complete anesthesia.”(18)
In 1924, Duchamp made it clear that finding an object with no aesthetic qualities was far from simple, but we can get a sense for his intention if we consider his Comb (1916) – a simple metal comb of the sort used by dog owners to groom their pets. No one can be said to have either good or bad taste in metal grooming combs! They exemplify the principle of the readymade through the fact that there is “no beauty, no ugliness,nothing particularly aesthetic about it,” and from this perspective one of them is as good as any other. We can see how little Duchamp’s closest associates understood his agenda from the fact that Duchamp’s patron, Walter Arensberg, imagined the artist’s intent in ubmitting the urinal was to draw attention to “a lovely form,” and to the formal parallels between this piece of industrial plumbing and the sculpture of Constantin Brancusi! It was no intention of Duchamp to have the urinal sublated under aesthetic perception, and appreciated as something after all beautiful- something to which we had heretofore been blind. “I threw …the urinal in their faces as a challenge, and now they admire it for its aesthetic beauty.”(19) Its beauty, if beauty there is, is neither here nor there. He was submitting it as a work of art, not something calculated to induce what he dismisses as “retinal flutters.”
(20)

It is no less a misunderstanding of Duchamp to say that the urinal was a kind of aesthetic Trojan horse, as Jean Clair in effect proposes, intended to insinuate disgust into the sphere of art in the guise of an unmistakable article of plumbing. For one thing, as we know, Duchamp was something of an enthusiast for American plumbing.But more important was his effort to get beyond the scope of taste in the production and appreciation of art. In an interview he gave in 1915, Duchamp declared that

The capitals of the Old World have labored for hundreds of years to find that which constitutes good taste and one may say that they have found the zenith thereof. But why do people not understand what a bore his is? …If only America would realize that the art of Europe is finished – dead – and that America is the country of the art of the future…Look at the skyscrapers! Has Europe anything to show more beautiful than these? New York itself is a work of art, a complete work of art…

(21)

One aspect of the highly overdetermined gesture of submitting the urinal was to de-Europeanize American art – to get Americans to appreciate their own artistic achievement. But that meant that Americans had to be made to see that an article of plumbing as a work of art, but not necessarily as beautiful in the way works of art had standardly been seen. When the hanging committee refused to receive the work, it did so on the grounds that it was not art. My sense is that they would have rejected a sink or a bathtub, had Duchamp submitted these instead. But it is quite possible that one function of using a urinal was its association with the infantile excitement associated with elimination. The purpose was not to bring the disgusting into the site of art, but to displace taste as the criterion of art, and to use the association with bodily needs as a means. The disjunction between art and the appurtenances of elimination had been an established trope of French aesthetic thought since Theophile Gauthier had written in his preface to Mademoiselle de Maupin that art can serve no end: “everything that is useful is ugly, for it is the expression of some need …the most useful place in a house is the latrine.”(22)

It is striking how many of what we might call the classic ready-mades in their pre-transfigured identity are connected, as tools, to various human needs – drying bottles, clearing snow, getting the snarls out of a dog’s coat, etc. The urinal is a somewhat special readymade in virtue of its association with elimination and gender, which always played a role in Duchamp’s humor, and in his art. My sense is that in connecting it with the exalted category of art, Duchamp was executing an impish joke, more sophisticated than that of the peasant in the Tuchlauben fresco, but of the same genre. His aim, however, was not mere naughtiness.The joke was too intellectual by far for that. It was, as said, to raise to the level of consciousness the degree to which the aesthetics of taste had been allowed to define the essence of art. It was time for American artists to cut their conceptual dependence on Europe, and affirm their true achievement as Americans. His effort was to reconnect art with life. And this has been part of his legacy to the avant garde.

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Marcel Duchamp, Note from the Green Box, 1934 © 2000 Succession
Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Jean Clair writes that the symbolic role of the urinal “is not to raise the status of a manufactured object to that of a work of art [but] to underwrite the archaic sacralization of human refuse and the infantile worship on one’s own dung.” That is not how the urinal inflected the direction of art in America. It, together with the ready-mades in general, underwrote the thesis that the useful could be art and that art could even be made useful by transforming it into a “reverse ready-made,” e.g., to use a painting by Rembrandt as an ironing board. After Duchamp, one could in principle make art out of anything. The era of turpentine and taste had come to an end. The era of finding a definition of art to replace the one based on aesthetic delectation had begun.
Art historians, including Jean Clair himself in his early and far more sympathetic text, Marcel Duchamp: le grand fictive (1974), will generally agree that the form the avant garde took after he Second World War, especially in America, was due to John Cage, in his seminar in composition at the New School. “I had taken steps,” Cage wrote, “to make a music that was just sounds, sounds free of judgments about whether they were ‘musical’ or not.”

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John Cage, 4′ 33″ (cover), 1960, reproduced with permission
of Henmor Press, Inc. New Yor
click here for video clip

Cunningham Dance Foundation, “Walkaround Time,” 1968 ©
Merce Cunningham Dance
Foundation, Inc., NY, 2000

Since the theory of conventional music is a set of laws exclusively concerned with ‘musical’ sounds, having nothing to say about noises, it had been clear from the beginning that what was needed was a music based on noise, on noise’s lawlessness.Having made such an anarchic music, we were able later to include in its performance even so-called musical sounds. The next steps were social, and they are still being taken. We need first of all a music in which not only are sounds just sounds, but in which people are just people, not subject, that is, to laws established by any one of them, even if he is ‘the composer’ or ‘the conductor.’ Finally we need a music which no longer prompts talk of audience participation, for in it the division between performers and audience no longer exists: a music made by everyone.

What’s required is a music that requires no rehearsal.(23)

Cage’s enfranchisement for musical purposes of sounds outside the restricted range of musical sounds opened up the need for a redefinition of music. A parallel effort to open up the full range of bodily movements as candidates for dance movements was carried forward by Merce Cunningham, Paul Taylor, Yvonne Rainier, and the Judson Dance Group. The group of artists who identified themselves as Fluxus in the early 1960s were inspired, as composers, performers and visual artists, to dissolve utterly the barriers between art and life. But they were by no means the only ones, however distinctive their oeuvre.

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Claes Oldenburg, Two Girls’ Dresses,
1961. © Collection Onnasch,Hamburger
Kunsthalle, Germany

Closing the gap between art and life was a project shared by a number of movements, united by a common mistrust of the claims of high art, but differing, like sects of a new revelation, with reference to which sector of common reality to redeem. Pop refused to countenance a distinction between fine and commercial, or between high and low art.Minimalists made art out of industrial materials – plywood, plate glass,sections of prefabricated houses. Realists like George Segal and Claes Oldenberg were moved by how extraordinary the ordinary is: nothing an artist made could carry meanings more profound than those evoked by everyday garments, fast food, car parts, street signs. Each of these efforts aimed at bringing art down to earth, and transfiguring, through artistic consciousness, what everyone already knows. From some time in the nineteenth century, prophets like John Ruskin and William Morris had condemned modern life, and pointed to some earlier historical moment as an ideal to which we must strive to return. The artists of the Fifties and Sixties were also prophets, reconciling men and women to the lives they already led and to the world in which they lived it. Perhaps all this was the artistic expression of the massive embrace of ordinary life after the massive dislocations of the Second World War. What could be more meaningful than building materials, canned goods, children’s toys – or for the matter sparkling kitchens and bathrooms – the consumer goods against which the next generation was to turn with such vehemence?

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Andy Warhol, Brillo Box, 1968

Whatever the explanation, there was something in the air in those years. Though Duchamp had no impact to speak of on philosophy, some historical explanation has to be given of the fact that philosophers turned from the high-tech idiom of mathematical logic, and under the influence of Wittgenstein accepted ordinary language as perfectly suited to philosophical analysis. In my own early writing in the philosophy of art – “The Art World” of 1964(24) – I saw it as the task of aesthetics to show how to distinguish art works from real things when there was no visible or palpable difference between them, as in the case of Andy Warhol’s Brillo Box and the commonplace cartons of the supermarket and the warehouse. But that question could hardly have been imagined had there not been the avant-garde revolution based on and inspired by Duchamp. I take a special satisfaction in having brought his thought into the space of philosophy in the years in which what Jean Clair once acknowledged as Duchamp’s héritage énorme(25) was most vividly felt by artists.

It is a consequence of that heritage that once it is accepted that anything can be or be part of a work of art, the way of course is open for even the most disgusting of substances to play an artistic role in the creation of meanings. But it was hardly in order to make use of transgressive materials possible that the avant garde embraced Duchamp’s lesson, and Jean Clair, whatever his current aversions, must more than anyone be aware of this truth. In the 1975 publication which I have just cited, he compiled an admirable catalog of post-war movements that owe their agendas to Duchamp: Pop and Fluxus, but also Nouveaux réalistes, Op art, Conceptual art, Art & Language, etc etc. In that entire thirty years period, it is worth remarking that the abject makes no appearance, though there are, in the spirit of Duchampian play, erotic and even excremental references in Fluxus etc. Most of the art Jean Clair mentions is almost pure in its intellectuality. Duchamp was admired for his wit and his intelligence. He was always perceived as a kind of Monsieur Teste, with a taste for slightly naughty jokes.(26) His mood, far from abjection, was delight.


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Chris Ofili, The Holy Virgin Mary, 1996

Now there was, particularly in the early years of 1990s, a movement designated more by curators than by the artists themselves as Abject Art. It was scarcely as epidemic as Jean Clair pretends, nor has it been particularly central in giving form to contemporary art.But it did and to a degree does exist, and, in the oblique way I have indicated, it, like so much else, owes its possibility to Marcel Duchamp.It does so once again because he opened forever the boundaries between art and life, and hence between art and the abject, as also part of life. It is simply a matter of interpretative heavy breathing, however, to claim that the artists of abjection derived any part of their content from Duchamp. It is a characteristic of art historians to imagine that art can be explained only by art – that if artists should use the excremental in their art, that must be explained with reference to earlier artists who did so. There are explanations of art that have nothing to do with prior art. There is no interesting narrative that will take us from the Tuchlauben scatologist, through Duchamp, to Chris Offili, whose use of elephant dung was the occasion of the mayor of New York’s censorious response to the Sensation exhibition in New York. What explains the recourse to abjection has entirely to do with the politics of the human body as this surfaced in the art centers of the world in the decade in which abjection became thematized. What Duchamp can be held accountable for, if accountability is the appropriate concept, is having made it artistically legitimate to have recourse to the substances through which certain artists found it suitable to urge their concerns.

“The abject,” writes the art historian Joseph Koerner,”is a novelty neither in the history of art nor in the attempts to write that history.”(27) Koerner cites, among other sources, a characteristically profound insight of Hegel: “The novelty of Christian and Romantic art consisted of taking the abject as its privileged object. Specifically, the tortured and crucified Christ, that ugliest of creatures in whom divine beauty became, through human evil, basest abjection.”(28)
Rudolph Wittkower begins his great text on art and architecture in Italy after the Council of Trent(29) by recording the decision of that council to display the wounds and agonies of the martyred, in order, through this display of affect, to elicit the sympathy of viewers and through that to strengthen threatened faith. “Even Christ must be shown ‘afflicted, bleeding, spat upon, with his skin torn, wounded, deformed, pale and unsightly’ if the subject calls for it.” The tendency in the Renaissance to beautify the crucified Christ was in effect a move to classicize Christianity by returning the tortured body to a kind of athletic grace, denying the basic message of Christian teaching that salvation is attained through abject suffering. The aestheticism of the Eighteenth century was a corollary of the rationalism of natural religion. It was Kant’s stunning achievement to situate aesthetics in the critical architectonic as a form of judgment two small steps away from pure reason. Romanticism, as in the philosophy of Hegel, was a re-affirmation of the Baroque values of the Counter-Reformation. The problem with art,as Hegel saw it, lay in its ineradicable dependence upon sensuous resentation. As with the blood, the torn flesh, the shattered bones, the flayed skin,the broken bodies, the reduction of consciousness to pain and agony in Baroque representation.

In view of the history of human suffering which has been the chief cultural product of the Twentieth century, it is astonishing stancing, how abstract Twentieth century art really was. How innocent Dada was, in its artistic refusal to gratify the aesthetic sensibilities of those responsible for the First World War – to give them babbling in place of beauty, silliness instead of sublimity, injuring beauty through a kind of punitive clownishness.
What Abject art, so pathetic in its incapacity finally to do much to deflect or diminish the degradations of the body which the politics of our times has used as its means, has done is to seize upon the emblems of degradation as a way of crying out in the name of humanity. “For many in contemporary culture,” Hal Foster writes, “truth resides in the traumatic or abject subject, in the diseased or damaged body. Thus body is the evidentiary basis of important witnessings to truth, of necessary witnessings against power.”
(30) Jean Clair accompanied his presentation with a number of slides, intended as visual support of his thesis.(31) George Steiner observed that


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Pablo Picasso, Guernica, 1937

the images reminded him of Bergen-Belsen. It was in its way a paraphrase of a famous interchange between Picasso and a German officer to whom he gave a picture of Guernica. The officer asked if he had done it, and Picasso responded by saying No – that it was the Germans who had made Guernica. It was in effect not the artists who were responsible for these images, but their society.

What Duchamp can be credited with, through his transformation in the concept of art, was making it legitimate for the artists to use non-standard materials to make the kinds of critical points at which they aimed – to effectively rub society’s nose in the emblem of its deficiency. For which kinds of substances to use as such elements, there was no need to have recourse to anything in Duchamp’s largely cerebral oeuvre. The needed but exploit the universal vocabulary of disgust, the meaning of which is largely invariant from culture to culture and time to time.

What is amazing, given the enormity of human cruelty in our time, is how few contemporary artists have taken on this agenda – how little by way of abject art there has actually been. There was a certain amount of youthful probing of the boundaries of disgust in the Sensation show, but done with such boisterous good humor that it belonged more to the spirit of the Tuchlauben frescoes than to the decline of the west critics such as Jean Clair laments. In neither Whitney Biennial 2000 nor in the collateral Greater New York exhibition at PS1 in Long Island City, was there much abject art to speak of. On the contrary, I was overwhelmed, as an art critic, by the degree to which contemporary artists have transformed themselves into visual thinkers, the meaning of whose works is so distant from what meets the eye that one is able to connect with them only through some fairly elaborate exercises in interpretation. In this they too are the children of Duchamp, who showed them how to do philosophy by makingart. As someone close to the scene, I am sometimes astonished by the goodness of artists in their dedication to the highest of moral principles and their unfailing respect for the human mind. The Muses should be proud.
* This paper is by way of a response to a talk given by Jean Clair, the director of the Musée Picasso, at a colloquium sponsored by The Nexus Foundation in Tilburg, in the Netherlands, on April TK, 2000. It is to be published, in Dutch translation, in NEXUS. I have been granted permission to publish it in English in the journal Tout-Fait, by the directors of NEXUS, Rob Rieman and Kirsten Walgreen. In expressing gratitude, I must declare my unbounded admiration for their personal dedication to the cause of cultural dialogue, as well as for the warmth, generosity, and friendship.
* This text was composed on Mt.Desert Island, in the state of Maine, where, for the fourth season, I have been the grateful beneficiary of Kippy Stroud’s generosity and vision, in providing a certain number of artists, museum people, and writers hospitality, privacy, and fellowship in ASAP – The Acadian Summer Program in the Arts – the closest to Duino Castle the United States affords. She is the Princess of Thurn und Taxis: it is not her fault that her guests are not all Rilkes!


Notes

Footnote Return 1.Jean Clair, Marcel Duchamp et la fin de l’art. Paris; Gallimard,2000.

Footnote Return 2.Presented at the Nexus Conference in Tilberg, The Netherlands, May 21, 2000.

Footnote Return 3.Immanuel Kant, Critique of the Aesthetic Judgment. §48.

Footnote Return 4.The very condition of decomposition which is that of the Muses today, in Jean Clair’s putrefactive image.
Footnote Return 5. The vanitas paintings of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, of course, abjured the disgusting in favor of such deflected symbolic representations as skulls or candles. The effort was clearly to aestheticize death.
Footnote Return 6.In Beyond the Brillo Box. (New York; Farrar Straus and Giroux,1992, 61).

Footnote Return 7.Kant, ibid. §16.

Footnote Return 8.Marcel Proust, The Guermantes Way. Volume III of In Search of Lost Time. Translated by C.K. Scott Moncrieff and Terence Kilmartin,revised by D.J. Enright. New York: Modern Library, 1998. 575.
Footnote Return 9. G.W.F. Hegel, Aesthetics. Translated by T.M. Knox. Oxford and New York; Oxford University Press, 1975, 34.
Footnote Return 10. Hegel, ibid., 10.

Footnote Return 11.Hegel, ibid.,3.

Footnote Return 12.Richard Wollheim, Painting as an Art. Princeton, New Jersey; Princeton University Press, 1987. 348-349.
Footnote Return 13.Jean Clair, “The Muses Decomposed.” [Ed: the citation is from page 4/17 in the manuscript.]

Footnote Return 14.ibid. [page 6/17 in manuscript.]

Footnote Return 15.Though I have it on the authority of someone who witnessed the opening of one of these cans that what was found inside was another, smaller can,also labeled merda di artista.

Footnote Return 16.Jean Clair, “The Muses Decomposed.” [3/17 in manuscript.]

Footnote Return

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Marcel Duchamp, Family Portrait
(1899)
, 1964 © 2000 Succession
Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,
Paris

17. I shall make no effort to speculate with Jean Clair on the psychopathology of Duchamp himself. Thus I shall not concern myself with such opuscula as the family photograph Jean Clair makes so much of, cropped in the form of the urinal Duchamp used as Fountain, which was prepared for the catalog of an exhibition of his work at Cordier & Ekstrom, 1965, and is now part of the Collection Rhonda Roland Shearer, NY. It may, Jean Clair suggests, reveal a great deal about Duchamp’s attitude to his parents. But it is difficult to believe it can have played any part to speak of in the subsequent history of art. I shall similarly resist speculating ad hominem on what accounts for Jean Clair seeing Duchamp’s work as disgusting.
Footnote Return 18.Talk at Museum of Modern Art, New York, October 19, 1961. Reprinted in Michel Sanouillet (ed.) Salt Seller. New York; Oxford University Press, 1973.
Footnote Return 19.Letter from Duchamp to Hans Richter, 1962. In Robert Motherwell, Dada Painters and Poets: An Anthology. New York, Wittenborn, 1952. xiii.
Footnote Return 20. Pierre Chabanne, Dialogues with Marcel Duchamp. 68.

Footnote Return 21.Calvin Tomkins. Duchamp: A Biography. New York: Henry Holt, 1996.
131.

Footnote Return 22. Theophile Gauthier, Preface, Mademoiselles de Maupin.

Footnote Return 23.John Cage. Foreword . M: Writings 67-72 Wesleyan University Press,

Footnote Return 24.The Art World. Journal of Philosophy. 61. 19 (1964). 571-84.

Footnote Return 25.Jean Clair, Marcel Duchamp ou le grand fictif: Essai de Mythanalyse du Grand Verre. Paris, 1974 . 12.
Footnote Return 26. “Le temps semble venu de soustraire Duchamp aux polémiques de l’avant-garde et aux confiscations abusives de telle ou telle de ses factions. Le temps est venue de le confronter aux analyses sereines de l’histoire. Il ne pourrait qu’y gagner.” Ibid., 13. I take this as evidence that the excremental had not become a discernible affect of Duchamp’s work by 1974, when Jean Clair wrote this. So what accounts for its emergence since, if indeed it has emerged?
Footnote Return 27.Joseph Leo Koerner, “The Abject of Art History,” Res, no31 (Spring1997), 7.

Footnote Return 28.Hegel, Aesthetics. .

Footnote Return 29.Rudolph Wittkower, Art and Architecture in Italy:1600-1750. London;Pelican History of Art. 1958. 2.

Footnote Return 30.Hal Foster, The Return of the Real. Cambridge, Mass; MIT Press, 1999),166.

Footnote Return 31.Among them were some images of work by Cindy Sherman. Sherman is sometimes cited as an Abject artist, for her so called Disgusting images of vomit and her somewhat pornographic images based upon the use of anatomical figures she purchased from medical supply stores. But there is a kind of Halloween mischief in Sherman, an almost childish pleasure in being scary. Her art is in the direct descent from the Tuchlauben frescoes. The artists Sue Williams used a plastic simulacrum of vomit, purchased in a joke store, as a symbol through which to convey disgust in her piece shown in the highly politicized Whitney Biennial of 1993. In this work, she is an abject artist: the point of her piece was outrage at the abuse of women’s bodies by men. The mark of abjection is not what substance the artist uses but what meaning she intends to convey.




Duchamp Festival at California State University, Hayward

A major exhibition of the work of MARCEL DUCHAMP “Artist of the Century” is being presented for the first time in Northern California at the center of a Duchamp Festival at California State University, Hayward. October 2001 – February 2002…

For many years Picasso and Matisse were considered the most influential artists of the 20th century. That evaluation has changed. Now, Marcel Duchamp is widely considered the most influential artist of the 20th century.

How he came to occupy this position is a long rich story much of which will be “told” in the CSUH Art Gallery and celebrated around the campus in the CSUH Duchamp Festival.

1) THE MAN & HIS ART

click to enlarge

 Duchamp

Photograph of Duchamp sitting in front
of a chess set designed by Max Ernst, 1968
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

According to Lanier Graham, the Gallery’s Director, “Duchamp is often thought of as the ‘Daddy of Dada,’ as it developed during World War I, and as the ‘Grandpa of Pop’, as Pop Art developed during the 1950s & ’60s, as well as the ‘Conceiver of Conceptual Art.’ But he was a great deal more. With remarkable spontaneity and seemingly effortless ease, he put forth a lifelong series of revolutionary objects and attitudes including a remarkable nonattachment to fame or fortune. His modesty astonished everyone who knew him, while his fertile ideas inspired millions of artists. Duchamp’s influence, which started during the period of Dada & Surrealism, continued to grow during the Abstract Expressionist era of Pollock and de Kooning and the Neo-Dada era of Johns and Rauschenberg. His influence continues to expand in the ever widening waves of Postmodernism today.

“He gave new status to artists by saying art is whatever the artist says is art, not what critics say art is. Many critics still hate him for that. In a world that had come to rely too much on reason, he emphasized the intuitive side of our brain by his explorations of chance and open-endedness, an open-endedness that said the viewer is the co-creator of every work of art. In short, he democratized art in a new way.

“Duchamp also was fascinated by science, especially electromagnetism. What electromagnetic energy is, and how it moves through our bodies and throughout the universe as a whole, occupied much of his thinking. Any number of his works bring together left-brain science with right-brain visualizations. In his famous work, “The Large Glass,” the Bride and the Bachelors are divided and never touch, yet they are connected by “wireless” energy. He later used telephone lines to symbolize this flowing of love-energy back and forth, and reminded us that people, not communication systems, are the real ‘media.’

“He grew tired of art that appeals only to the eye, and worked to elevate contemporary art above the merely visual and physical to the level of the metaphysical. His philosophical statements are among the most profound in the history of art.

“By using a good many words with his images, and by leaving meanings open-ended, he required that we think and feel at the same time. There was method to his madness. He based much of his work on the metaphysical ideal of Androgyny (true male-female balance) both in psychology and sociology. That earned him the rare respect of feminist art historians. Bringing together within ourselves the so-called ‘male’ capacity to be rational and the so-called ‘female’ capacity to be intuitive is the perennial goal of the great Wisdom Paths: Shamanism, Taoism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Islam, and Christianity. This dynamic harmony is said to be the key to Enlightenment.

“Enlightenment became the supreme goal of Modern artists in their non-religious quest for wholeness, their secular search for the sacred. However, few were able to attain this ideal. Various kinds of self-centeredness got in the way. Duchamp was not without shortcomings and may not have attained total selflessness, but he seems to have come closer than most.

“In place of the usual (and often egocentric) insistence on self-expression, Duchamp pointed out that self-centeredness can be removed from the artistic process. In his ‘ready-mades’ (anonymous manufactured objects he selected and signed), he generated the idea of art-without-artists, and thus opened even further the opportunity for image-making to everyone. Selecting, he said, is a creative act. Moreover, by often replicating his earlier works, the concept of self moved even further away from the object and opened out toward the not-self. The unification of self and not-self is the ultimate aim of traditional metaphysical philosophy.

“However, he never lost respect for well-crafted quality. His every object was made with loving care, as were his relationships with others. Duchamp celebrated human nature in general and the erotic impulse in particular, advising above all loving and being loved. He also thought of the connection between art and life as a kind of oneness. And all along the way, he recommended laughter.”

2) THE FESTIVAL

The CSUH Duchamp Festival, based on California collections and California scholarship, will include a wide variety of experiences that reflect the many sides of Duchamp. In the University Art Gallery, “Marcel Duchamp & The Art of Life” will be a concise but comprehensive selection of his visual work on loan from major California museums such as the Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art, and The Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, as well as from private collectors in the San Francisco Bay Area.

This is the first large-scale Duchamp exhibition in Northern California, and the most comprehensive Duchamp exhibition in California since his first museum retrospective in Pasadena in 1963.

The University Art Gallery also has organized a Symposium featuring recent Duchamp research by scholars from the San Francisco Bay Area. Included will be Wanda Corn, Professor of Art History at Stanford University, speaking on “Duchamp & Early American Modernism”; James Housefield, formerly of CSUH and now at Southwest Texas State University, speaking on “Duchamp & Leonardo da Vinci”; and Lanier Graham, Director of the University Art Gallery at CSUH, speaking on “Duchamp & Androgyny,” a paper that will include parts of Graham’s conversations with Duchamp when they played chess together in the 1960s.

The exhibition catalogue is being edited by Lanier Graham. Graham is well known in Duchamp circles for his book CHESS SETS (1968), which was assisted by Duchamp and dedicated to Duchamp, and for “IMPOSSIBLE REALITIES: MARCEL DUCHAMP & THE SURREALIST TRADITION” – the exhibition Graham curated at the Norton Simon Museum of Art in 1991.

Plays, dances, and music were important to Duchamp, from his earliest years to his later years when he was involved with John Cage (who was strongly influenced by Duchamp’s work), and Merce Cunningham whose dancers have often danced around inflatable Duchampian objects which were designed by Jasper Johns after Duchamp’s “Large Glass.”

In celebration of these aspects of Duchamp’s spirit, the CSUH Department of Theater & Dance is performing one of Duchamp’s favorite plays, UBU ROI, directed by Ric Prindle, and presenting a new Duchampian dance on the theme of chess, under the supervision of Laura Renaud-Wilson, who studied with Cunningham. CSUH musicians, under the supervision of the avant-garde composer Scot Gresham-Lancaster, are planning to present ‘music’ by Duchamp, and compositions by John Cage.

Duchamp authorities from coast to coast are praising the concept and content of the Festival, both for its breadth and its depth. Among those who are looking forward to the Festival and have contributed to helpful information are Bonnie Clearwater, of Miami Beach, editor of West Coast Duchamp, Linda D. Henderson of the University of Texas at Austin, author of Duchamp in Context: Science and Technology in the Large Glass and Related Works, Francis M. Naumann of New York, author of Marel Duchamp: The Art of Making Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, Moira Roth of Mills College in Oakland,author of Difference / Indifference: Musings on Postmodernism, Marcel Duchamp and John Cage, Naomi Sawelson-Gorse of Claremont, editor of Women in DADA, and Michael Taylor, Curator of Modern & Contemporary Art at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, who is responsible for the most important Duchamp collection in the world.

For further information, contact Sylvia Medeiros, CSUH Arts Marketing Coordinator at (510) 885-4299, or smedeiro@csuhayward.edu




Drawing the Maxim from the Minim: The Unrecognized Source of Niceron’s Influence Upon Duchamp

When a skilled trickster poses a problem that either cannot be solved for logical reasons, or cannot be answered without information purposely destroyed beyond all possibility of recovery, then we rightly brand our adversary as cruel, perverse, or (at the very least) unfair. But when a master trickster hides a solution by a simple device that demands some unadvertised effort from our end, then we appreciate the depth and challenge all the more for demanding our input without deigning to inform us in any explicit manner. Duchamp, in purveying his wares at the pinnacle of this second, and wondrously engaging, strategy, made nothing easy for us, if only because he invariably hid his most profound insights, and his most important sources, in “trivial” jottings and scribblings, or in off-the-cuff pronouncements of no apparent significance.

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The Bride Stripped
Bare by her Bachelors
Marcel Duchamp,The Bride Stripped
Bare by her Bachelors, even,
[a.k.a.
The Large Glass
], 1925-23
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris


click to enlarge
 Note from the White Box
Marcel Duchamp, Note from
the White Box, 1967
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

The White Box notes include a stunning example of this genre of ultimately fruitful misleading in a scribble that honors, for a particularly mordant and interesting reason, the wrong object in the right category. And, so far, everyone has fallen for the literality of Duchamp’s note. The nub of the problem may be briefly stated in both its general and specific form: Duchamp insisted, over and over again and in no uncertain terms, that he had read all the great treatises in classical perspective, and that he remained committed to its ideals and insights. He also stated, in a forceful claim well known (and much discussed) by Duchamp aficionados, that he wished to “rehabilitate” classical perspective, and that he had obeyed its precepts in constructing his masterpiece, the Large Glass. More specifically, he claimed that, as a young man, while working at the great research library of Sainte Geneviève (1913-14), he had read their entire section of antiquarian books on perspective. But he only mentioned one author and one work by name, in a White Box note much pored over by scholars :

Perspective,
See Catalogue
of Bbltq St G. [bibliothèque, or library, of Ste. Geneviève]
the whole section on
Perspective:
Niceron (the F. J-Fr).
Thaumaturgus
opticus.


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Portrait of Jean Francois
Niceron
Portrait of Jean Francois
Niceron (1613-46), 1646

This note refers to the 1646 Latin treatise on optics, theThaumaturgus opticus of the French mathematician, Father Jean-François Niceron of the Order of Minims. Several scholars have studied this book for indications of specific influences upon Duchamp in general and, in particular, for any clue about Duchamp’s choice of this volume and author, among all others, for explicit citation and praise. So far, they have failed. Thaumaturgus is a fine work, and Niceron was a fine scholar. The volume does present a good summary of optics and perspective based on direct vision. But nothing in this work seems particularly Duchampian, or particularly distinctive within this important genre of 17th century scholarship. (Niceron maintained a special interest in anamorphosis, as did Duchamp. But several other mathematicians and physicists of the time had written with equal verve and depth on this subject).

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Chocolate Grinder
Marcel Duchamp,Chocolate Grinder
No. 1
, 1913 © 2000 Succession
Marcel Duchamp,ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
Trébuchet
Marcel Duchamp,Trébuchet, 1917
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,Paris


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 1. The Waterfall / 2. The Illuminating Gas
Marcel Duchamp,Photographic Study
for the Nude in Given: 1. The Waterfall /
2. The Illuminating Gas
(1946-66), 1948
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

As for the larger mystery, scholars have simply and uncritically accepted Duchamp’s claim that he rigorously used these principles in his major works. Ironically, however, no one who actually attempted the experiment has ever been able to render the bachelor machinery of the Large Glass under classical perspective, unless they alter Duchamp’s own drawings and therefore conclude that he was not, after all, a very accurate geometer. The Chocolate Grinder, especially, does not seem properly drawn, and no one has been able to show how the device might turn without the wheels interpenetrating and thus, to make the metaphor literal, grinding to a halt. Other famous items in Duchamp’s work – including the Given torso and the odd bends and angles of the hooks in the sole depiction of Trébuchet – seem similarly disobedient to his stated claims about using or rehabilitating classical perspective.

We cannot solve this larger mystery here, but we can at least demonstrate that a proper reading of the Niceron note, and a deciphering of Duchamp’s drollery in making this influence difficult for us to discern, can identify the important and quite specific influences of Niceron upon Duchamp, and may also point towards a general resolution of Duchamp’s hidden theory of truly rehabilitated perspective – with proper homage to the Renaissance and Baroque masters carried forward to rigorous Duchampian novelty.
Jean-François Niceron (1613-1646) joined the Order of Minims and studied under their greatest scholar, the mathematician Marin Mersenne (1588-1648). In 1639, he became professor of mathematics at the order’s convent in Rome, Trinita dei Monti (where anamorphic works and other trompe l’oeil paintings of this age may still be seen on the curved vaults of the chapel). But, in 1640, his superiors also assigned him as official visitor to the order’s other monasteries. These frequent travels weakened Niceron’s perennially frail health (a condition probably not aided by the austere life style of the Minims, including a strictly vegan diet), and he died, at age 33, while visiting the monastery of Aix in 1646.

Moving to the main biographical point of Niceron’s work and Duchamp’s note, Niceron had intended to publish a fully serious and technical Latin monograph on all aspects of his studies in geometric optics. His full treatment would have included four books, the first an introduction based upon methods for drawing the five regular solids on two dimensional surfaces, especially on the curves and arcs so commonly encountered on church ceilings; the second on “optics, or direct vision”; the third on “catoptrics, or viewing by reflections in flat, cylindrical and conical mirrors”; and the fourth on “dioptrics, or viewing by refraction through lenses.” But Niceron died with the manuscript unfinished, and the text ofThaumaturgus opticus, edited by his friend and mentor Mersenne, only included the material of the first two books, leaving Niceron’s work on mirrors and refractions unpublished in his Latin culmination. In fact, Thaumaturgus opticus includes the poignant statement from Niceron that he will treat mirror reflections and lens refractions in a future volume “si Deus faverit, otiumque et vires ex eius immensa bonitate suppenditent” (if God will grant me, by his immense goodness, the leisure and the strength).


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Title page of La perspective curieuse

Jean Francois Niceron, Title page
of La perspective curieuse, 1638

We know the intended content of Niceron’s plans for his uncompleted Thaumaturgus because this partial Latin swansong is a vastly expanded, “cleaned-up,” and conventionally scholarly version of a much shorter, charming and delightful, playful and quirky, but mathematically exact and rigorous French treatise that he had published in 1638 as “La perspective curieuse, ou magie artificielle des effets merveilleux” (Curious perspective, or artificial magic of marvelous effects).
Duchamp’s style and personality simply did not tune well with the Latin technicality of Thaumaturgus, but I cannot imagine a better match of interest and temperament, or a better confluence of pure personal sympathy, than the Niceron of La perspective curieuse and Duchamp in the years just before World War I, as he painted his Nude descending; wrote the notes that would appear so much later in the Green and White boxes; studied perspective, dimensionality, optics and science; and set his life’s work and course.


click to enlarge
 Frontispiece of La perspective curieuse
Jean Francois Niceron, Frontispiece
of La perspective curieuse,1638


click to enlarge

Nude Descending a Staircase

Marcel Duchamp,Nude Descending a
Staircase, No. 2
, January 1912
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

The two men even looked a bit alike, as the frontispiece of Niceron from Thaumaturgusopticus indicates. When he published La perspective curieuse, Niceron was 25 years old – the same age as Duchamp when he displayed Nude descending at the Armory Show of 1913. More importantly, the chatty and irreverent tone of Niceron’s La perspective curieuse – so diametrically different from the highly formal Latinity ofThaumaturgus – surely had enormous appeal for Duchamp, who must have found, in Niceron’s vernacular work, a kindred spirit from a baroque world 300 years past. To cite just one theme that delighted both men, Niceron loved puns and anagrams, and festooned La perspective curieuse with such amusing asides – though not a single one breaks through intoThaumaturgus opticus.

For example, speaking of mirrors and their powers of reversal, Niceron presented an experiment involving King Francis I (see forthcoming discussion), but then digresses to state that when the current King Louis visited Bordeaux in 1615, the local citizens placed an anagrammatic banner under their triumphal arch: “Lois de Bourbon, bon Bourdelois” – or, Louis of Bourbon (the family name of the French Kings), good man of Bordeaux. Duchamp would later construct several anagrams of exactly the same nature, where two sequences use the same syllables (and spelling), but in different order and with disparate meanings. King Louis’s anagram is perfectly palindromic by syllables, whereas the following contribution by Duchamp runs the last four syllables of the second line as 4,2,3, and 1 in contrast with 1,2,3,4 of the first line, thus yielding the salacious:

  • Il n’a rien de vénérable
    Mais un râble de vénérien
  • (He has nothing venerable, but a back of
    a person with a venereal disease).

Niceron then embellishes his best example in dioptrics – his “conversion” of the faces of 12 Turks to the head of King Louis XIII (to be discussed later as a potentially important influence upon Duchamp’s greatest innovation in perspective) – with a lovely Latin anagram devised by a friend, and stating Niceron’s achievement with an anagram of his own name:

  • Frater Ioannes Franciscus
    Niceronus
    Rarus Feriens Turcas, Annon Conficies?
  • (Father Jean-François Niceron,
    What have you put together
    from these widely scattered Turks?)

At least three scholars well versed in the science of Duchamp’s interests in optics and perspective (Jean Clair, Linda Henderson and Craig Adcock) have followed Duchamp’s literal instruction, and searched Thaumaturgus opticus to locate the influence of classical works upon Duchamp’s understanding of perspective. But they found nothing beyond the undoubted status of Thaumaturgus as a good and standard text for its time. But when did Duchamp ever tell us anything directly, without placing us on some primrose path in the wrong direction, reversible only by our willingness to assume the role that Duchamp assigned to all students of the arts – the move from passive spectator to active interrogator by the recruitment of underutilized gray matter to transcend the merely retinal?

In this particular case, we suspect that Duchamp’s note purposely cited the wrong work of the right person – a “wicked” little experiment to see if anyone, failing to find any resolution of his claim in Thaumaturgus, would bother to consult Niceron’s other work. Indeed, we do know that La perspective curieuse also graces the shelves of the Ste. Geneviève library, if only because Henderson (1983, p.144) found the book there, noted its explicit discussion of catoptrics and dioptrics, acknowledged that “there are differences between the two books,” but erred in assuming a broader range in Thaumaturgus (perhaps from its far greater length), and then failed to recognize that two tantalizing potential sources for specifically Duchampian themes lie in the very sections of La perspective curieuse – the catoptrics of mirrors and the dioptrics of lenses – that receive no treatment at all in Thaumaturgus because Niceron died before reaching parts 3 and 4 in the projected Latin culmination of his life’s work.

We will close this article by discussing and figuring these two lovely and quite specific examples from Niceron, but we also wish to note in passing that the sections on catoptrics and dioptrics in La perspective curieuse (that is, the missing books of Thaumaturgus opticus) include several other shorter hints and passages that would repay further study, and that probably indicate an even greater influence of Niceron upon Duchamp. Consider just three short examples:
1. An extensive and learned literature has treated the optics in Duchamp’s wonderfully rich construction entitled “A regarder (l’autre côté du verre) d’un oeil, de près, pendant presque une heure” – a work whose effect arises, at least in part, from its incorporation of a lens that is flat on one side and strongly convex on the other, yielding (when viewed from both sides and at different distances) both enlargements and diminutions, and both recto and inverted images. In book 3 on catoptrics in La perspective curieuse, Niceron describes these very properties of just such a lens (p.76):

It is a most remarkable thing that a crystal, flat on one side and spherically convex on the other. . . as I have noted by experiment many times, can render two different appearances for the same object: one big and the other small; one upright and the other inverted.

2. The division of one into many, and the gathering together of many into one, stand as powerful and pervasive themes throughout Duchamp’s oeuvre, not only (of course) for their visual effects, but primarily for their conceptual meanings and metaphors about our construction of reality, and of the various dimensions of perception and understanding. The point, needless to say, is scarcely original with Niceron, and has been known and employed both for light humor and dark magic ever since the invention of decent mirrors. But Niceron writes with special charm, and at interesting length, about the power of mirrors to multiply and conjoin, at least to our retinas (and to the delight or consternation of our gray matter) – as in this passage on page 77:

What more can we say? Isn’t it a lovely thing to make a large army appear, by using mirrors, when you need only have a single man? Or to make a long row of columns, and a beautifully ordered building, by placing but a single column between two opposite mirrors? Isn’t this to become rich at very little expense – at least in appearance?

3. Galileo, Pope Urban VIII, and some common misconceptions about the false “warfare” between science and religion. Although not specific to any particularly Duchampian concern, we wish to indicate, in paying homage to the unfairly neglected Niceron, just one example of general insights about the history of art and science that such great works by generous intellects can supply. Niceron was a loyal Catholic priest and a fine scientist. He retained unquestioned fealty to the incumbent Pope Urban VIII who, in 1633, had enjoined Galileo’s appearance before the Roman Inquisition; forced his public recantation of the correct heliocentric, or Copernican, theory of the solar system; and then placed him under the equivalent of house arrest for the remainder of his life. (Galileo died in 1642, four years after the publication of La perspective curieuse). Niceron, as a good scientist, revered Galileo, understood the legitimacy of his arguments for a central sun and a revolving earth, and particularly respected Galileo’s pioneering telescopic observations of the heavens. In fact, Mersenne first learned of Galileo’s death in a letter sent to him from Rome by Niceron, with its moving statement that “mathematicians must now mourn because their glory has been extinguished with the death of Galileo.”

Because the Church condemned Galileo, and because the Pope held such unquestioned authority, scholars have often assumed that (at least in Catholic circles), heliocentrism could not be mentioned, while Galileo himself became “unpersonned,” placed even beyond the pale of explicit citation. In fact, although we propose no massive revisionism (and Galileo must remain the hero and martyr, with Urban the villain, of this particular tale), the actual story embodies far greater richness and complexity. The Church held a generally positive attitude towards science, and their astronomers knew the power of Galileo’s argument. Galileo’s books remained on the Index, and his “official” rehabilitation only occurred at the end of the last century. But heliocentrism prevailed within a generation or two, and although Catholic scientists needed to remain diplomatically circumspect in their published statements, Galileo’s work and discoveries prevailed.

Niceron’s La perspective curieuse gives us direct insight into these interesting complexities. He praised (and depicted as we shall soon see) Urban VIII as the present Vicar of Christ on Earth, and as both the spiritual and temporal prince of Niceron’s own conceptual world and actual real estate. But Niceron also mentioned and praised Galileo in La perspective curieuse(although not, needless to say, for his heliocentrism, but rather for his telescopic observations). In a key passage of the introduction to Book IV on dioptrics (refraction through lenses), Niceron states that, although the invention of the microscope and telescope (both, in usable form, by Galileo, by the way) had marked the greatest triumph of dioptrics, Niceron would focus on more playful and less practical utilities that should also be deemed worthy of interest. He then mentions Galileo, first and explicitly, in a list of scientists who “thanks to God and this great invention” (p.101) have revealed “new planets around Jupiter. . . and have recognized that Venus, as well as the moon, has phases that I have seen several times myself in broad daylight by means of these wonderful new glasses (lunettes).”

We now close this treatment of Niceron and Duchamp with longer discussions (and depictions) of the two phenomena – one from book three on catoptrics, and one from book four on dioptrics, the two subjects not treated in Thaumaturgus opticus – that may well have provided crucial sources (or at least tweaking and initiating suggestions) for two of Duchamp’s most important themes, both previously overlooked in Niceron because scholars relied on Duchamp’s mislead and read only Thaumaturgus opticus, and not La perspective curieuse, with its deep and incisive discussions of these two curiosities, later promoted by Duchamp to centerpieces of insight about human vision and conceptualization:


click to enlarge

Note from the Green Box

Marcel Duchamp,Note on the “Wilson-Lincoln
System” from the Green Box, 1934 ©
2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
Animation(410k)
Animation for the “Wilson-Lincoln Effect” by
Rhonda Roland Shearer and Robert Slawinski
© 2000 Art Science Research Laboratory, Inc.
Animation(410k)
Animation for the “Wilson-Lincoln Effect” by
Rhonda Roland Shearer and Robert Slawinski
© 2000 Art Science Research Laboratory, Inc.

1. The Wilson-Lincoln Effect. Ever since we began to study Duchamp, we have been amused by a wonderful little trick of human manipulability that he scarcely invented, but that he used with consummate skill and chutzpah: no matter how absurd it may be, if you say it often enough, and definitely enough – and especially if you say it with the subtle implication that everyone who’s anyone knows it to be true – then your pure confabulation can quickly become an established verity. We do not, of course, claim that Duchamp, or Niceron for that matter, first developed the system of folded prisms that Duchamp called the “Wilson-Lincoln Effect” – that is (see the animated figure) the cutting up and placement of strips of two distinct images on separated but parallel planes of prisms, so that one discrete and reaggregated picture emerges from one point of sight, and the other from a different point of sight at right angles to the first. But we are pretty darned sure that no one ever thought of using Presidents Lincoln and Wilson as the two exemplars, and we definitely know that the phenomenon never bore such a patently absurd designation before Duchamp’s “wicked” christening.
After all, Lincoln was the first Republican president, and Wilson the Democratic incumbent when Duchamp first moved to America, and the only Democrat besides Grover Cleveland who had managed to occupy the White House between Lincoln and World War I. (Perhaps Duchamp decided to invent the conjunction because Wilson was the man then holding the job, and Lincoln the most famous of his predecessors. In any case, we have searched on the Internet and eBay, questioned hobbyists, collectors of memorabilia, political buffs and historians. No one can find a single object of any sort, not to mention a set of prisms, featuring Wilson and Lincoln in any kind of exclusive conjunction (and the very concept makes most professional historians and collectors of political memorabilia laugh).

But virtually any art historian will speak of the “Wilson-Lincoln effect” as a well known term for a phenomenon of optics – equivalent, we suppose, to such “urban legends” as the uncontested “fact” that we use only 10 percent of our brains (some folks will vociferously insist that they’ve heard 15 or 20 percent, even though the entire concept and formulation can only be labeled as ridiculous); or the undisputed street certainty of the senior author’s childhood in Queens (yeah, we really did discuss such things on the sidewalks of New York) that only three people in the entire world understood Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity.

In any case, whatever the name, we can easily understand Duchamp’s fascination with this system, especially given his particular interest in 90 degree rotations, both as a perceptual phenomenon and as a wonderful metaphor for completely independent points of view – a geometrically and mathematically accurate image by the way, because axes at right angles to each other (“orthogonal” in technical parlance) are mathematically independent, and thus define separate dimensions. (Mathematically speaking, for example, a four dimensional figure resides in a space defined by four mutually orthogonal axes – a concept that we cannot visualize in our three-dimensional world, but that can easily be expressed and manipulated in numerical terms).


click to enlarge

Jean Francois Niceron, Plate 18, La perspective
curieuse, 1638

Jean Francois Niceron, Plate 18, La perspective
curieuse
, 1638

We do not know who first invented this system of two different icons orthogonally expressed on adjacent faces of triangular prisms (the “Wilson-Lincoln effect” of Duchamp’s sly terminology). But we do know that Niceron illustrated a lovely example on Plate 18 of the third book (on catoptrics) of La perspective curieuse, accompanied by a fascinating discussion on pages 78-80 of the text. Niceron probably built the structure shown in this figure, for he was both an artist and tinkerer, and several of his optical machines, including some constructions far more complicated than this prismatic device, were seen and described by contemporary scientists, while two still survive in theMuseo di Storia della Scienza (the museum for the history of science) in Florence. Pay no attention to Pope Urban VIII of Figure LVI, for he represents a different experiment. But Figures 52 to 55 illustrate Niceron’s version of the Wilson-Lincoln system, featuring a great king (François Premier, or Francis the First, of France), who lived and reigned a full 350 years before Mr. Lincoln poetically described the beginning of our nation as “fourscore and seven years ago.”


click to enlarge

Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 52, La
perspective curieuse, 1638

Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 52, La
perspective curieuse
, 1638

Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 53, La
perspective curieuse, 1638

Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 53, La
perspective curieuse
, 1638


click to enlarge

Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 54, La
perspective curieuse, 1638

Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 54, La
perspective curieuse
, 1638

Figure 52 represents a single wooden prism of the set. You place a strip of one icon (Lincoln, if you will) on each face of the set of prisms represented by plane CDEF on Figure 52, with strips of the other icon (Wilson if you will) on the corresponding set of planes ABCD. Figure 53 then shows the two vertical wooden boards, with slots cut out to receive the prisms. Figure 54 depicts one way of slotting in the prisms to reveal only one of the icons because only one plane of each prism now faces the viewer directly, leaving the other two planes invisible behind. But if we slot the prisms in a different order, and look “from behind” (so to speak), with an edge of each prism directly pointing at us – so that we can see the two sets of adjacent faces, each now at 45 degrees to our direct line of sight – then the Wilson-Lincoln system comes into full view.

click to enlarge
Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 55, La
perspective curieuse, 1638
Jean Francois Niceron, Fig. 55, La
perspective curieuse
, 1638

In Niceron’s particular case of Figure 55, he places the icon of King Francis in strips on the upper faces of each prism, and then projects the entire image of the King upon a mirror, placed above the prisms and inclined at an angle of 45 degrees to the vertical – therefore depicting (in mirror reverse) the discrete and entire face of the King (hence Niceron’s placement of this experiment in his book on catoptrics, or mirror reflections). In this example, Niceron then places words (rather than another image of a different king) on the corresponding set of prisms – reading (in Latin): “Francis the First, by the grace of God, most Christian King of France, in the year of our Lord 1515.” Thus, instead of Wilson and Lincoln, Niceron gives us Francis I (projected onto a mirror above) and a text to praise the same man. But the entire system represents what Duchamp much later called, and used to such great interest and purpose, the “Wilson-Lincoln effect.” Is this the Kingly face that launched a thousand slips (and anachronisms in naming), and that led Duchamp to cite the wrong book of Niceron in a little trick to honor the right man and to delay our discovery of the reasons therefore?

2. The Truly Rehabilitated Perspective System of Multiple Points of Sight. We must save the full story for another time and book, although Shearer reveals and discusses the general conclusion in her article on Duchamp’s hatracks in this issue of Tout-Fait. But Shearer has discovered that Duchamp, in reality, even trumped what he slyly claimed. He did, indeed, use and understand classical perspective (at a time when most artists despised the subject as hopelessly constraining and superannuated). And he did exactly what he said in devising a “rehabilitated” perspective of mathematical form and precision for constructing the Large Glass. But, in his usual cryptic way, he neglected to tell us that he had rehabilitated classical perspective not by reviving the pure Brunelleschian form, but by moving beyond to a more complex system of his own invention, based on “multiple points of sight.”

That is, and in too brief a summary, Duchamp drew or photographed the object that he wished to depict from a large number of different spatial locations, or literal “points of sight.” He then cut out a piece of the complete object from each separate point of sight, and fused them all together into a single image that “looked funny” if you thought that the final product was supposed to represent the entire figure as seen with a single eye from one Brunelleschian spot – as in classical perspective. But – and now we come to Duchamp’s particular genius and to his chess game against the world – Duchamp took great pains to make sure that his fused icon didn’t look quite “funny enough” to raise automatic suspicions in any intelligent observer who might encounter the claim that Duchamp had used the classical tools of Renaissance perspective.

In fact, Duchamp must have figured out a way to choose just enough independent points of sight, separated just as widely as he dared, to fuse a single image that could still be rationalized by someone who might believe Duchamp’s stated intentions, but then be inclined to give him a pass with a rationale of the following sort: “Oh well, Duchamp tried, but he’s not really that great an artist, at least in a painterly sense. After all, that’s why he gave up painting in the first place. So I guess the Chocolate Grinder and the Given Torso, andTrébuchet look a bit weird because poor old Duchamp has terrific ideas but just can’t paint very well. Charming fellow, though, isn’t he? And so very French, with that certain savoir faire and je ne sais quoi.”

We do not know for sure where Duchamp first got his idea for this truly revolutionary (although purposely hidden), and mathematically accurate, system of geometrically correct perspective under the radically novel scheme of multiple points of sight. As this question represents the key to Duchamp’s single most original and important contribution to the history of art and conceptual representation (again, see Shearer’s “hatrack” article in this issue of Tout-Fait for more details), the full answer will probably be quite complex, and has not, in any case, been fully resolved as yet. But we can say, at the very least, that Jean-François Niceron, in Book IV on Dioptrics (Refraction Through Lenses) of La perspective curieuse of 1638, developed a theoretical system – and built at least two complex, working optical devices to illustrate the resulting phenomenon – that presage, in a striking manner, the “multiple point of sight” perspective system later invented by Duchamp, who then used this system throughout his career as the hidden glue for his linkage between science and art, and as his homage to the mathematical discoveries and achievements of the great perspectivists of Renaissance and Baroque art.


click to enlarge

Jean Francois Niceron, Plate 24, La
perspective curieuse, 1638

Jean Francois Niceron, Plate 24, La
perspective curieuse
, 1638
Jean Francois Niceron, Plate 23, La
perspective curieuse, 1638
Jean Francois Niceron, Plate 23, La
perspective curieuse
, 1638

Niceron devotes most of Book IV to a description of this system and to his optical machines for representing two stunning cases. In the first example on Plate 24, Niceron presents a drawing of the heads of 12 Turkish sultans and rulers, the principal Islamic enemies of Christian Europe at the time (and the subject of Niceron’s anagram discussed previously). Note how Niceron outlines and inscribes, within the full space of the Turkish heads, a set of diamonds, parallelograms, and other more irregular figures in faintly dotted lines, using parts of each Turk to delineate the pieces that he will then amalgamate into his surprising new figure. The previous Plate 23 shows the picture of the 12 Turkish heads on a vertical screen. The optical refracting instrument of his own invention appears at the top of the Plate, above the Turkish screen, as a hollow cylinder with a multifaceted lens affixed into one end and labeled ABC. The viewing cylinder is then mounted at right angles to the vertical screen of Turks (RQ in the figure below). When the image on the screen of Turks projects into the cylinder and refracts through the lens, each facet of the lens “passes along” just one of the pieces outlined by the faintly dotted lines on each Turkish head of Plate 24. These partial images of each Turkish head then refract through the lens and get fused and reconstituted on the viewer’s side as – lo and behold! – a single discrete and coherent image of the French King Louis XIII, the military scourge of the Turkish infidels!

In one of his playful textual reveries, Niceron then puts his mind to other potential uses of these lenses. Continuing with his (and Duchamp’s) favorite theme of complementarity in extracting many from one or of fusing one from many – as previously explored, and quoted in this article, in Book III on mirrors – Niceron ruminates about a similar scene he might construct based on Ezechiel’s vision of the valley of dry bones. He could place the separated bones on his vertical screen, and then refract the appropriate parts through his lens “to make them live, so well united and adjusted together that they would form a single skeleton with all proportions and parts in the right measure.” By contrast, Niceron then imagines that he could exploit the reverse procedure by placing a single picture of Medea upon his vertical screen and then using a scattering, rather than a converging, refractive lens to produce a gruesome picture of Medea’s dismembered sons, after she has them murdered and torn apart following her discovery of Jason’s (that is, their father’s) infidelity to her.


click to enlarge

Jean Francois Niceron, Plate. 25, La
perspective curieuse, 1638

Jean Francois Niceron, Plate. 25, La
perspective curieuse
, 1638

Just to show that he had invented a general and workable system, and not just a cute trick for a princely party, Niceron then presents an optically similar, but conceptually very different, example as Plate 25. He now draws the heads of 14 Popes on his vertical screen, and designates pieces of each head with the same device of faintly dotted lines. A picture of Jesus occupies the center of the screen, but Niceron dares not dismember God himself – so no section of Jesus’ image contributes to the new figure discretely fused from pieces of all the popes. Note, for example, how Niceron uses just the keys (the symbol for the entire office!) From the picture of St. Peter, the first Pope of all, in figure N on the upper right. Now, as with the Turks just before, Niceron projects the dismembered pieces of the Popes through a refracting lens at one end of his cylinder and – lo and behold yet again! – in the center of the refracted image, in the place formerly occupied by Jesus himself, we see (as reconstituted from bits and pieces of all the other Popes) none other than the head of the current Pope, the Vicar of Jesus on Earth, Urban VIII, also the prosecutor of Galileo. Who ever said that life lacked its moral complexities amidst its geometric and scientific wonders!

So if 12 Turks can be dismembered, and then fused to reconstitute a French king by refraction of multiple points of sight through a lens; and if 14 Popes can undergo a similar discombobulation to rebuild the current occupant of St. Peter’s See – well, then, couldn’t the human mind operate like Niceron’s lens and build the world by forming mental images from multiple vantage points that cannot all be represented fully and simultaneously in our three-dimensional world, but that the brain can remember and reconstitute in the mind’s eye of a four dimensional world – for our mental imagery can integrate the geometry of nature, the memory of different literal points of sight, and the temporal extension of our explorations from several spatial positions that cannot be literally occupied all at once. And if the mind really works this way, then couldn’t an artist create a better representation for both our concepts and percepts by rehabilitating the limited and constraining classical perspective of a single eye from one point of sight – and devising a new and mathematically accurate system of perspective based on multiple points of sight, thereby depicting our mental reality more directly than ever achieved before? But surely, we must not tell anybody what we have done – for the mind must discover for itself what the mind has actually been doing during all these years of human (and even earlier) evolutionary history. Quite a project, and quite a prospect! Could a frail Minim, who died so young in 1646, have caught a glimpse of this truly higher reality – and then expressed his infectious germ of an insight, as is the wont of blessed and fallible humanity, in a grand jest about Turkish infidels and suboptimal Popes?




Duchamp at The Turn of the Centuries

A dada creation of Teste, not the least chimeric, was to want to preserve art – Ars – purely by eradicating illusions about the artist and the creator”
Paul Valéry
(For a portrait of Monsieur Teste)

A Provisional Portrait

He was courteous, articulate, cultivated. At least, one would imagine so. He practiced understatement, liked humor as well as irony. He kept himself at a distance, always in the wings, and would not provide his opinion. On the edge of the circus of the vanities, here was the opposite of a man of letters, of a student of the mind.

The hell raisers of modern art made him the father of the revolution which redefined taste in the 20th century, without really knowing how he was influenced by Alphonse Allais and how similar he was to Ravachol or Kropotkine.

The fact is that this discreet, elegant man, practicing the subtle art of conversation instigated change. He was invited, celebrated in the most elegant circles, and people didn’t pay much attention to the crowd of roustabouts who, following him, invited themselves to the party.

After the patrons, came the institutions. In February 1977, for its opening, the Centre Georges Pompidou chose to celebrate him. This was a watershed event(1).It posed the question of the century: What is art? – And it chose to answer by brushing aside the heroes that one expected to find, Matisse or Picasso(2). With Duchamp, the Minister of Culture had to have faith, with twenty-five

With Duchamp, the Minister of Culture had to have faith, with twenty-five years still to go before the end of the millennium, to favor an art that he believed was liberal, anarchic, democratic, an art for all and made by all, and which answered therefore to the aims of an enlightened State which had known only to suffer an existing elite. Every man is an artist. Every gesture is a work of art. Every work of art can be anything at all.
The fact is that legions of slackers, hearing of artists out there without an oeuvre, without talent or profession, identified themselves with Duchamp, more or less. However, in their actions, their writings, their manifestations, the simplicity turned into misery; the subtlety, a heaviness; intelligence became stupidity; irony, slowness; allusion, crudeness, and finally the meticulous and mercurial method of “le marchand du sel” [Duchamp pseudonym] gave way to a plethora of productions by artists by the grosse, without spirit and without style.
Duchamp remained a silent witness to this phenomenon. He, who had carried on so little, written so little, and who had never taken credit for the result, with an amused smile, allowed the dream world of an avant-garde to become the palladium of fin de siècle societies.
There had been, without a doubt, a mistake about someone.

An Aristocratic Failure
*

What was it exactly about the nihilism of Marcel Duchamp? What was the sense in his renouncing painting? By way of what did this transformation of values, this Nietzschian enterprise to which he attached himself, have some of the characteristics of the tabula rasa of the avant-garde at the beginning of the century?
By way of nothing, perhaps. The last of the decadents became, against his will, the first of the moderns.

* * *

Hannah Arendt saw and described that which in the first decade of the century bound modernity with totalitarianism. Contemporary artists during the First World War for the most part shared in “the desire, she said ‘to lose oneself’ and a violent disgust for all existing criterion, for all established powers. […] Hitler and those who were failures in life weren’t the only ones to thank God on their knees when the mobilization swept Europe in 1914.(3)” The elite also dreamed of coming to terms with a world it considered corrupt. The war would be a purification for all, the tabula rasa of values which enabled belief in a whole new humanity. An entry into nihilism, for sure, was this rejection of a society saturated with ideology and bourgeois morality: “Well before a Nazi intellectual announced, ‘When I hear the world culture, I draw my gun,’ the poets had proclaimed their disgust for this ‘cultural filth’ and poetically invited ‘Barbarians, Scythes, Negroes, Indians, Oh! All of you, to the stampede.’(4)

” This rage to destroy what civilization had produced as more refined, more subtle, more intelligent, “The Golden Age of Security” according to Stefan Zweig, but also to destroy this world which celebrated, in 1900, the triumph of scientific progress and humanitarian socialism, was shared by artists and intellectuals as well as terrorists from all sides, from the Nazis to the Bolsheviks. In the cafés of Zurich, Huelsenbeck and Tristan Tzara were mixing with, at neighboring tables, Lenin and the future trigger-happy political commissioners.

* * *

Still more recently, Enzensberger recalled some facts that France, sole remaining nation managing the arts in Europe, continues to ignore. “From Paris to Saint Petersburg, the fin de siècle intelligentsia flirted with terror. The premier expressionists called [it] the war of their wishes, just like the futurists […]. In large countries, the cult of violence and the ‘nostalgia for mud’ in favor of industrializing the culture of the masses, became an integral part of heritage. Because the notion of the avant-garde took an unfortunate turn, its first supporters would never have imagined...(5)

Let’s remember above all from Hannah Arendt the term “failures.” From Hitler, the regrettable candidate at the Academy of Beaux-arts in Vienna, to all those mediocre artists, poets and philosophers cultivating their resentment, failures hastened the twilight of culture.

Duchamp also, in a sense, was a “failure.” The feeling of failure – the idea of being a loser, a pariah, an outcast, a Sonderling or whatever leads a person to finding out at the age of fifteen or sixteen that they’re not in the “in” crowd – was most vivid. There was the social failure of being a notary’s son, an offspring of small-town bourgeoisie in a province that was already looked down upon on the eve of the First World War. There was the professional failure of his entrance examinations to the Ècole des Beaux-arts in 1905, which drove back the spirits of the young artist. There was the failure of the Salon des Indépendants in 1912, when his work was refused. So many wounds to narcissism.

But the most vivid failure remained family-related, when we see his ambition of becoming an artist thwarted by his own brothers, more talented than he. Jacques Villon was a good, sensitive painter and, more than that, an extraordinary engraver. Duchamp-Villon was a wonderful sculptor who, if he hadn’t been killed in the war, would have become one of the greatest artists of the century. Marcel, the youngest, was a menial, underpaid artist. How could he make a name for himself when his name was already taken?

Duchamp would be able in fact to serve as a perfect example to illustrate the argument, all the rage in the United States actually, that the youngest child is born to rebel. Put forth by Frank J. Sulloway, this argument tends to demonstrate on the basis of behaviors that the fate of great creators and reformers of society is dictated within the family dynamic by their birth order. While first borns identify in general with power and authority and have conservative personalities devoted to keeping their prerogative and resisting radical innovations, children born last weave a plan for turning the status quo upside down and often develop revolutionary personalities. “From this rank emerge the great explorers, the iconoclasts, and the heretics...(6)

In open rivalry with his older brothers, Duchamp would have been the prototype of the last born who, in order to dig his ecological niche, had the only alternative of radically upsetting the values advocated by his environment.

* * *

Even so, nothing about him was known to be resentful. Nothing more remote than the idea, common to intellectuals of the time, that individuals had to blend in with the masses to fulfill their destiny. Nothing about him would have been more disagreeable to consider than this comradeship in action of the masses which proposed to fell with violence the society it repulsed.

It was therefore by the love of irony and the daily practice of failing that he responded with his creative powerlessness. The homo ludens against the homo faber.
An accident of life, this feeling of being a failure – and that which was the result of it, his lofty distance from the inner circle – was leading him on the other hand to take note, at the start of the century, of a phenomenon which was elevating the universal. Few onlookers were yet alarmed by the situation, one without precedent in the venerable system of the beaux-arts. And Duchamp was one of the rare to acutely grasp that which others were refusing to admit: art – art such as we knew it, the art of painting, with its rules, techniques, and enslavement to style and schools, art with its status, social recognition, academies, salons, glory – had no reason to exist any longer. Art, an invention of the XVth century, had had its day…
What then had it meant “to succeed”? The previous generation had been able to believe in brilliant careers on the perimeter of respectable society. The studio of the painter who had “arrived” was part of the fashionable scene. But the fin de siècle artist was hardly more well-off than the colorful figure of the previous decades, uneducated, filthy, “stupid like a painter…”

Duchamp’s refusal never to let himself be seduced by the security of normal life and his scorn for the respectability and honors which accompanied this life were therefore sincere and very similar to the anarchic despair experienced by political explorers, by outcasts like Hitler. Without a doubt he didn’t escape, no more than any other, from an infantile proclivity for provocation. From the Indépendants to the Armory Show, he had not a few of these acts which recalled the violence of the time. His actual approach — so profound and so stubborn that it would define itself in the Large Glass, in the ready-mades, and later in Étant donnéswas of a wholly different nature. It was a matter less of shocking the bourgeoisie and destroying their culture than engaging himself in an intellectual adventure without precedent.
Anarchists, Dadaists, Surrealists and other dynamos of society: Duchamp was decidedly not of this group. Rather, his camp was that of the deserters. His departure for New York, at the beginning of the war, resembles Descartes’ departure for Amsterdam. To a cauldron of reflection, of daydreaming, far from the masses. Polite but reserved: he wasn’t there for anyone.
Max Stirner(7) , therefore, rather than Nietzsche or Sorel. The idea of the unique

pupil in advance of the obsession. Nothing owed to anybody and nothing repeating itself. There wasn’t any need of “getting lost” because, in the world which he had entered, there was already nothing else to lose. He was the first to understand that he belonged to a world “without art,” in the same way one speaks of a world “without history.” When he began his work, the death of art had taken place. In this respect, Duchamp is a survivor, not a precursor. He wasn’t preparing for the flood, he was exposing the conditions for survival.

From Decadence to Dandyism

The elegance of a dandy instead of the feigned untidiness of an anarchist. The lack of distinguishing adornments. To pass unnoticed was the distinction. This avoided the worst blows as well as applause. It was an attraction to the strict, the rigorous, the stripped down – “austere” was the key word for Duchamp’s aesthetic, just the right tone in English flannel and tweed, enveloped in the wreath of a good cigar.

The distance he put between himself and his press was always very British. Every one of his talks, interviews, and writings was subject to: “Never explain, never complain.” There was no theory to justify himself, no excuse to excuse himself. Such reserve was immediately sufficient to disconcert a questioner, to discourage the curious, to confuse the scholarly.
The style of this period was also, among the enlightened ones in London, Vienna, and Brussels, about American functionality. Duchamp’s admiration for the quality of plumbing in New York was right up the alley of Adolf Loos; everything, like not tolerating the rancid smells of turpentine trailing about in the studios, was in accord with the architect of theMichaelsplatz, with his disgust for the pastry shops in Ringstraße. (The taste for industrial modernity, for every last technical comfort in improving a home, was already, right away, a trait of the decadent such as des Esseintes.) Nothing “dadaist” in any case, rather an exquisite education, confronting the trivialities of the time.

* * *

No, his admiration had gone instead, one could say, to Mallarmé, Laforgue, Jarry, Alphonse Allais. From his direct elders. From “countries” of Norman descent also, in that this concerned the last two. A nihilism well tempered. The line of the symbolist comet. It would be convenient to add, come to mention it, Huysmans – and Remy of Gourmont, another Norman – whom we think about very little.

From des Esseintes to the “Breather”

Huysmans first. Did he ever read him? Well, we couldn’t leaf through Against the Grainwithout thinking at every turn of Marcel Duchamp. Plus, among the three paintings that Suzanne Duchamp submitted to the Salon des Indépendants in 1912 (thanks to the care of her brother) there was an homage, À des Esseintes. This seems to indicate some close reading of the author of Down There in their family’s Blainville household(8).

click to enlarge
 Duchamp
1. Duchamp in his
studio on 14th Street, New York
(detail from a photomontage by
Kiesler, Poème d’espace
dédié
à H (ieronymus)
Duc’hamp
, published in View
, Series V, n° 1, March 1945)

Some features clarify this elective affinity. For example, in the solitude of his studio, on 14th street, the image of Duchamp seated in his armchair, his expression fixed, his hand “à la maisselle” as we see him in some photographs, among so many things scattered in an “amusing physique,” piled up to the sky, overcome by the “dust breeding,” the Rotoreliefs, the sketches of mysterious machines, unique optical devices, a movie projector and bits of film, stereoscopes, and the chessboard hanging from the wall, similar to the magic square of Dürer. ill. 1. This instantaneous office of the idle and curious, marked by fatal signs of melancholia, this eternal “sad young man on a train,(9)

” transported to New York, in the beginning of the century, a new version of the insomniac of Fontenay-aux-Roses, a “des Esseintes” “seated pensively among all the wise toys that civilization offers to its sick for their procuring disappointing respites.(10) “Henri-Pierre Roché would not be mistaken; he suspected the accediosa nature of his new friend, such a hermit and yet the prophet of a religion. Entering Duchamp’s New York studio for the first time, “Pierre realized that he was in a monastery.(11)

When we asked him if he believed himself an artist, Duchamp responded that he was only a “breather”(12) whose masterpiece, he would say again to his friend Roché, had been the use of his time.

The idea was to elude the taedium vitae which fills up a tired civilization, a Spätkultur, a civilization after the death of art, overloaded with memories and overcome with masterpieces, both authentic and inauthentic, a civilization where the signs of a new empire which is the world of science multiply and disturb the outlook by their unusual configurations, a world where the artist retires, becomes an amateur, critic, collector. Duchamp, like the Arensbergs and Katherine Dreier, his first patrons, would initially be a collector, and an expert; then he would become the first curator of the Société Anonyme, choosing its art, writing notices, advising buyers. In many of these areas, he resembles Huysman’s hero who, in order to escape his condition of failure, turns into a dilettante, collector, book lover, decorator, and consumer of rare and original sensations.


“He had searched the libraries, exhausted the boxes, encumbered his intellect to skim the surface of this mess, and all for idleness, for momentary appeal, without a desirable conclusion, without a useful goal.” The portrait of this researcher worn down by the acedia of the end of the century could have been that of Duchamp in the library of Sainte-Geneviève, leafing through old treatises on the perspective of Nicéron, Abraham Bosse or the celebrated Kircher, or the new treatises on mathematics by Jouffret and Henri Poincaré, in search of an impossible synthesis. It’s that of des Eissentes, prey to his fin de siècle neurosis and subjugating himself to what ultimately resembles, now as well as then, with Duchamp or the hero of Huysman’s, some very modern spiritual practices, the ersatz of a world that’s become decidedly impossible.

The esthetic dilettantism of a collector and the idle curiosity of the curious. But also the erotic dilettantism of he who searches for adventure. The dilettantism, therefore, of Duchamp-Don Juan. Just as des Esseintes collects sexual adventures, here was the novice rogue, after young women at New York’s high society balls. Henri-Pierre Roché, in Victor, would create a portrait of this(13).
Both in effect are bachelors, and both are misogynists. Both are heirs of Beaudelaire: “Woman is natural, that is to say, appalling.” The same man who affirms that “Nature made time and the moment has come for it to be replaced with artifice” is he who wrote “One has only: for femail the urinal and one lives by it.(14) ” Better yet, he mocks the “abominable abdominal skin.(15) ” All are evidence of the same root.
Artifice must be substituted for art because art is already dead. Similarly, cynicism in sexual matters must replace love because the time has come to subjugate Nature, and therefore its accomplice, woman, to the artificial genius of man. Forays by Duchamp into transgendering and cross-dressing through his alter ego Rrose Sélavy echo the singular curiosities of des Esseintes and his fascination for both the athletic, monstrous Miss Urania and the “sashaying” Adonis.(16)

Confronting a love as broken down as art remains the challenge, even if it will be one of infinite despair. Artifice will always be superior to Nature. And the machine, for the bachelor, has charms that a woman doesn’t.

* * *

Of all the connections that Michel Carrouges made in his essay(17), he overlooked that the steam engine, which fascinates des Esseintes,

appears even as a prototype of the “accouplements de visceres et de machines” [the coupling of innards and machinery] that Duchamp will combine in his Bride. Because she is artificial like the would-be Eve (only two years later) she is superior in natural beauty. The unsurpassable perfection of airplane propellers that Duchamp remarks upon during a visit to the aeronautical museum in the Grand Palais in 1912, crosses the mind of the hero of Huysmans. “The beauty of woman is, in everyone’s opinion, the most original and the most perfect.” In revenge man makes “an animated and artificial being who is amply worthwhile from the point of view of fabricated beauty.”

These new beings, they are, in relation to blasé des Esseintes, two adopted engines on the lines of the Northern railroad. “One, the Crampton, is an adorable blonde, with a high-pitched voice, a very tiny waist, imprisoned in a sparkling corset of brass […] whose extraordinarily horrifying grace when, tensing her muscles of steel […], sets in motion an immense rosette of its wheel […] The other, the Engerth, a monumental and somber brunette with muffled, husky noises, with solid organs, chokes in a cast-iron armor(18)

* * *

The anthropomorphism of the machine dates from its appearance, from the first loom, “Jenny,” named after the daughter of its inventor, up until La Bête humaine of Zola(19) . But Huysmans is the first to give it this erotic appeal which makes the metaphor of the male/female anticipate by thirty years the description that Duchamp will make, piece by piece, organ by organ, the driving force of the Bride in 1912(20).

Another “bachelor machine” of des Esseintes is a liquor organ. It contains an element that all experts of the Large Glass will recognize, a bottle of Benedictine which Huysmans described in his leisure as the bulging form “solid, of somber green.” The hero’s attention dwells amorously on it, dreaming
of “cornues” and “alambics” prepared for “incontestable authority” and fascinated by “the extraordinary disaccord established between the containing and the contained, between the liturgical outline of the bottle and its soul, every ounce feminine, every ounce modern…(21)

An idealistic thinker

“Liturgy” and “soul” – these terms seem a long way now from Duchamp. The “black” mass of des Esseintes, viewed as a sacrifice where one celebrates in reverse, “à rebours,” comes under a decadent religiosity from which the work of Duchamp seems to remain foreign.

It is ironic that, behind the scenes, he showed a taste for the marvelous that certain surrealists exhibited. Especially when we consider that André Breton, Desnos, Crevel, Brauner, accorded so much credit to hypnosis, telepathy, and the interpretation of dreams that they left him cold. As they left their friends Man Ray and Soupault. We know also with what an amused distance he welcomed the gloss that certain of these commentators made of his work from the approach of an alchemist or an agnostic.

But to see him as a true believer opposed to the supernatural is to forget that Duchamp had not ceased to interest himself, between the ages of ten and twenty, and perhaps beyond, in paranormal phenomena. Without a doubt one must be prudent. Duchamp was too ironic. He cultivated too much skepticism not to be watchful of the reality of these clairvoyant phenomena. He observed them, considered them, believed in them without a doubt always, entirely. However, each time he was interested in them they seemed to be based on a scientific approach that pulled him instantly from his ennui.

In this way, he responded to Arensberg, from whom we know of Duchamp’s taste for spirituality and theosophy; in fact, he had once been unconsciously preoccupied by “a metarealism…a need for the ‘miraculous.(22)

Similarly, after the war he spoke of the artist as a “medium” in a famous declaration, often cited(23),and of art as a means of accessing “non-retinal” reality. Idealism? The romanticism of Novalis? The temptation of a young man for a spiritualism à la Kandinsky, whose writings he conscientiously annotated, even though they are written in a language he little understands? Yes. It was very much this, all of this, that he had gone looking for in Munich in 1912, and it merits our attention. His exemplary copy of Concerning the Spiritual in Art was covered in pencil marks. At the turn of the century, every possible occultist was putting in their two cents about this feeling of intuition that guides the artist blind through “the forest of symbols” of our three-dimensional universe toward a superior reality.

click to enlarge

Mold of an imprint

2.Mold of an imprint produced by Eusapia
before the editorial committee of the
journal Lux, plate made of Albert de
Rochas,L’Extériorisation de la
mortricité
, Paris, 1906
Marcel Duchamp, With my
Tongue in my Cheek
3.Marcel Duchamp, With my
Tongue in my Cheek
,
1959, Paris,Collection of
Centre Georges Pompidou.

However, it was no longer the occultism of Peladan, Gaïta or Papus which gripped him ten years, twenty years later, and which gripped him perhaps throughout his life, until his last works of art. In 1959, for example, With my Tongue in my Cheek, curiously recalls the three-dimensional impressions, in plaster molds, that mediums in their seances were claiming to receive from the spirits. ill.2,3. The mold of Duchamp’s jaw, akin to a spiritual manifestation, became then a sarcastic commentary, twelve years before his death, of a Duchamp pre-posthumous – of this comic held in the making of the allusion of its English title, “tongue in cheek” – quand on ne rit pas à se décrocher la mâchoire – this discreet turn at mortification was already present in 1954 in another anatomical fragment, the Coin de chasteté, executed with dentistry material and which evokes in effect a filling. The fin de siècle ennui was turning into a morose wallowing: acedia diaboli balneum est.

It was therefore an occultism more refined, more demanding of its material, more subtle. It remained very much also Luciferian: the progress of mathematics and of science were extensively absorbed, and they seemed to bring to him, from now on, a semblance of validity.

From Flatland to the Fourth Dimension

Two domains of science have in effect kept this revival going. They are the discovery of invisible radiation and the development of multidimensional geometries.

click to enlarge

Sacha Guitry

4.Sacha Guitry, Gaston de
Pawlowski

click to enlarge
Léonard Sarluis
5.Léonard Sarluis, cover
illustration for Voyage
au pays de la quatrième
dimension
by Gaston de
Pawlowski

I was certainly one of the first, in 1975, to draw attention to the major influence that the speculations on the fourth dimension had on Duchamp and which he had learned about first in the serial of Gaston de Pawlowski ill. 4, 5, seen in 1911 in Comoedia(24) which, more than speculation or science-fiction, rose instead from  the genre of mathematical entertainment created by Edwin Abott in Flatland(25), then in the library Sainte-Geneviève, in the Trait de géometrie by Élie Jouffret. Later, when Paul Matisse published with my help Duchamp’s unpublished notes(26), the multiplication of references to the fourth dimension brought proof of the validity of this approach. It was with Jouffret in particular that he found the concepts of “blossomings” and of “infra-mince.” It was in the writings of Henri Poincaré, Science and Hypothesis, published in 1902, in particular in chapter IV, “Space and Geometry” but above all in The Value of Science, published in 1905, in particular in chapter IV, there again, “Space and its Three Dimensions,” that he found the notion of “cutting” and the essence of his “non-retinal” approach(27).

* * *

In France, apart from the subtle Jean Suquet(28), few preoccupied themselves with the necessity of the epistemological overthrow that this approach had provoked. The fourth dimension had never been taken into account by art historians among mathematical novelties which, born of the analysis situs, had turned the esthetic reign of the 20th century upside down, in the same way Pacioli on perspective was upset during the Renaissance. We had seen, for want of knowing exactly what it was, only barely a literary fantasy(29).We preferred therefore to continue lazily considering Duchamp a Dadaist, a provocateur, an ancestor of New Realism, of kinetics, of the conceptual, of action, or more generally of the nihilism of art. That he managed, contrary to this caricature, a strong, thoughtful method, reasoned, and founded upon mathematical speculations, nobody, in a French tradition foreign to the scientific culture, even ignorant of the history of the sciences and reticent, powerless in any case to cross the frontiers of its narrow disciplines, above all, in a historically lazy tradition which believes in economizing the research of source-material, nobody, historian, university lecturer or simple critic was willing to admit Duchamp had done this. Protected by ignorance, we continued to foolishly surrender to the myth of a Duchamp, originator of acts and absurd objects and, for need of a title, prophet to the avant-garde.There are English historians who interested themselves in this approach: first Susan Compton and John Dee in England(30).

The first important work, which synthesized everything preceding it, was that of Linda Henderson, The Fourth Dimension and Non Euclidean Geometry in Modern Art published by Princeton University Press in 1983. The same year there appeared a study by Craig E. Adcock, Marcel Duchamp’s Notes from the Large Glass: an N-dimensional analysis (University of Michigan Press) which, for a good part,relied on my research. The many studies which have followed, in the last twenty years, are too numerous to cite here, and only serve to repeat old material, without adding new elements. One will cite, for a recent example, the latest work by Linda Henderson(31).

More original and more adventurous is the approach of newcomer Rhonda Roland Shearer who is determined to demonstrate the total artificiality and rigorous fabrication of the so-called “readymades,” which far from being found objects have been supposedly modified and manipulated in every aspect of their proportions. According to her, no readymade exists which wasn’t carefully prepared and calculated. Apolinère Emameled, for example, which seems to offer at first glance the parallelpiped construction of a metal bed for an advertisement of paint enamel, reveals, upon examination, an impossible figure which defies the laws of classical perspective. Relying on a very detailed reading of Poincaré and his theory of probability, Rhonda Shearer is, in this way, putting forth that the three-dimensional readymades by Duchamp are, in reality, significant shadows of a four-dimensional entity  (32).

We could support this demonstration with the following remark: exhibited during Duchamp’s lifetime, the ready-mades have always been accompanied by their cast shadow. Bottle Dryer, Hat Rack, Trébuchet [a coat rack] weren’t even presented: a projector, judiciously placed, projected their outline onto a wall or on the floor. They are therefore objects of n dimensions which, because of the trick of their projected shadow, are reduced to three-dimensional objects belonging to our space. The procedure had been used by prospectors in the 17th century to grasp the passage of the geometrical to the perspective, just like mathematicians did later to grasp the passage from a world of n dimensions to a world of n + 1 dimensions. The tableau Tu m‘, in 1918, inventory of varying procedures for “transcrbing” codes of representation of varying dimensions, represents the cast shadow of a ready-made, Bicycle Wheel.

If this tableau were the occasion for Duchamp to quit painting, the apparent promise of its title shuts the door once more on a long history. Remember that the myth of the original painters was formed around the idea of cast shadows. As Pliny the Elder tells it, there was the fable of Butadès de Sicyone, the lover of a potter, who outlined the enchanting shadow of her face as it was projected onto a wall. All things considered, the myth is ambiguous: does it suggest the art of the drawer, therefore an art of two-dimensions, created by the hand of the young woman, or does it suggest instead a three-dimensional work, the clay relief that the father of the young woman derived from the drawn silhouette? The fable of Butadès would have designated then the origin of casting – of “molding” – and not of painting. In both cases, the myth of the shadow of the loved object throws back to the “cutting” of a dimensional universe by another. Remember again that Duchamp, in one of his notes, proposed to create a “Société anonyme des porteurs d’ombres” represented by every source of light – sun, moon, star, candle, fire…It would be, again, a link to the ancient tradition of Ars magna lucis et umbrae.

* * *


So does the ready-made, object of subtle demonstration, through the projection of its shadows, lead into multidimensional universes? This is what Ulf Linde, the best critic of Duchamp and the least well-known since much of his work is in Swedish(33),had already advanced, as of 1977, in the catalogue for the Centre Georges Pompidou. The Bicycle Wheel, far from being a banal object found in a bicycle shop and mounted on a stool, is in reality an ingenious optical machine which allows the principle of “demultiplication” to be realized by “elementary parallelism” which, from the painting of Moulin à café, in 1911, occupied the mind of Duchamp: “It schematically gives shape to the principle of cubism: if one turns the wheel, one creates a multiplicity of n dimensions – the spokes become innumerable – a unit of n + 1 dimensions.(34)” Likewise was he going to prove the astonishing complexity of Why not Sneeze, Rrose Sélavy? with the presence, under the marble cubes, of porcelain cups(35).

click to enlarge

Window display from l’Exposition
surréaliste des objets

6.Window display from l’Exposition
surréaliste des objets
,Paris,
Galerie Charles Ratton, 1936
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Projection of a three dimensional
regular body into four dimensions
7.
Projection of a three dimensional
regular body into four dimensions,
brass and string, Paris, Institute
Henri Poincaré

Let’s consider, finally, that in the surrealist exposition of objects at the Charles Ratton gallery in 1936, the ready-made by Duchamp, the Bottle Dryer and the birdcage of Why not Sneeze, for example, were enthroned under the same light and to the side of some mathematical objects in string and brass from the Poincaré Institute which served to visualize the fourth dimension. ill. 6,7. Such near posturing, yet again, in favor of a complex ready-made conceptual machine destined to make visible the multidimensional continuum, rather than an ordinary object supposedly “elevated to the dignity of a work of art by the simple choice of the artist.”

* * *


Another newcomer, Hector Obalk, in recalling judiciously that this blindly accepted definition of the ready-made had appeared only belatedly, twenty years after its creation, and under the pen of André Breton, lends itself to a rigorous test of the topology of these singular objects and to an ontology of their mode of existence. Combining art history with analytical philosophy, Obalk looks to demonstrate that, on those very rare ready-mades more or less “nus” (neither touched nor assisted) by Marcel Duchamp, none is truly a “ready-made” – if one considers the addition of an engraved title on the object and the very significant extravagance of their installation in his studio(36).
He equally recalls that in spite of these secondary properties, none of these pure ready-mades has been assumed to be a “work of art” by the artist of the era – not only because they have all been lost but above all because of the absence of public exhibition in their time. He finally affirms that “if there’s a work of art, the art by no means resides in the chosen object but, to a much greater degree, in the fanciful scenario which exists within the choice,” or in other words, “in the fiction, most often literature, according to which a ready-made is a work of art.” For Hector Obalk, it’s in spirit that the ready-mades, on the historical plane, are nowhere to be found – and that the ready-made is, by all logic, impossible(37)

“L’iconographie de l’invisible fluidique”

The other infatuation at the fin de siècle which fed, one could say, the curiosity of Duchamp was the revival of occultism prodded by technical advances, in particular new methods of electricity and photographic recording.

* * *


The “sparks” of The Bride, the “Draft Pistons,” the “Milky Way,” the “cinematic blossoming”: each a word borrowed from chemistry, physics, astronomy, strewn about his notebook.

In 1900, electricity, magnetism, and electromagnetism had long since substantiated the idea of obscure energy, of radiation all the more powerful since it was invisible. How could one forget that one of the most ardent supporters of spirituality was none other than Sir William Crookes, the inventor of the cathode ray tube? Or that Camille Flammarion, an astronomer as celebrated in his time as Hubert Reeves is today, believed in the transmigration of souls on far away planets and very seriously featured in The Unknown(38),phenomena like apparitions of the dead, telepathy, seeing into the future? He wasn’t the only one. Charles Richet, illustrious physicist and inventor of anaphyloxie founded the French Society of Metaphysics and went around the tables and interrogated spirits. The administrator of the Polytechnic School, lieutenant-colonel de Rochas d’Aiglun, took up where des Mesmer and des Puységur left off in studying the phenomena of “odiques” radiation of Baron de Reichenbach(39). Duchamp would remember, same as his brother, the sculptor Duchamp-Villon, to get an internship in the radiology department of the Sâlpêtrère, and probably brushed shoulders there with Albert Londe and Jean-Martin Charcot(40).

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Drawing of light

8.Drawing of light “odiques,” taken
from Le Fluide des magnétiseurs
by Albert de Rochas, Paris, 1891.
Luminous
effects of high frequency
9.Luminous
effects of high frequency,
engraving by Poyet taken from Claude’s
L’Électricité à la portée de tout le
monde
, Paris, 1905.

When radio waves were discovered by Hertz in 1888, when the X-ray was discovered by Röntgen in 1895(41), and when, thanks to Becquerel in the following year, radioactivity brought proof of the mysterious power of the breath, current beliefs in the corporeal body, the astral body, in two halves to one person, in aura, in telekinetics, in ectoplasm were suddenly strengthened. In the hospital of Charity, Luys, neurologist, went so far as to photograph the dreams of his patients by applying sensory detectors to their foreheads. The photograph, which “reveals” and “develops ” from “ultrasensitive” devices invisible phenomena for the naked eye, was in this way far ahead in the quest for the supernatural. ill 8,9. If “retinal” art was displaying its inadequacy through impressionism, the photographic negative, already defined by Jules Janssen in 1875 as “the retina of the wise” would have well been the way. At least it would have been this technique which would have allowed art to regain the “science” that it appropriated during the time of its glory, opening it up now to the world of the never-before-been-seen. In 1904, in his book, Dans l’invisible, Léon Denis compares spirit photographs to X-rays and defines the negative as “this look onto the invisible.(42)

* * *

Des Esseintes, again, in his singular mixture of optimism and credulity, reveals the spirit of time. Did he not believe that “the eyes of certain animals will retain, up until decomposition, just like photographic negatives, the image of life and of things, from the time that they died, from their last glimpse.(43)” In 1870, in fact, a certain doctor named Vernois, member of the Legal Medical Society, had published an article on the “optogramme” in the Revue photographique des hôpitaux de Paris, entitled “Étude photographique sur la rétine des sujets assassinés,” in the aim of discovering the identity of murderers.

The examples of scientific discoveries that serve to bolster the devotees of Allan Kardec are, between 1890 and 1910, innumerable. Every nebulous group was a mixture of the most renowned intellectuals and the most dubious magicians(44). And art, after having exhausted the resources of the visible world in naturalism and impressionism, put itself from this point forward in quest of the invisible, which Hyppolyte Baraduc, one of the most ardent proselytizers of the Beyond, was rightly going to name, “l’iconographie de l’invisible fluidique.(45)
Munich, Capital of Occultism

We are far from having discerned all there is of Duchamp’s trip to Munich, which I mentioned above. Why did Duchamp go there? Above all, why did he stay there so long, for four months? What could he have found in this town of six hundred thousand inhabitants, rustic and provincial under pretentions of grandeur? What was the charm in these Propylées put together in the Königsplatz, in these alignments of the fake Pitti Palace along the Maximilianstrasse, in the caprice of the Feldherrnhalle, clumsy copy of the Loggia dei Lanzi, in this secondhand architecture drawn from a Wagnerian opera? Instead of being the Athens of the North which she pretended to be, wasn’t the city of Wittelsbach the biggest kitsch town in Europe? Would Duchamp, born into a cultured and satisfied bourgeoisie, have taken interest in the great masters which made huge and heavy paintings Munich’s glory, like Hans von Marées, von Stuck?

Let’s remember some coincidences. The town was, at the start of the century, a place to meet immigrants of every background, the marginal, as it were, who hadn’t found a place for themselves in their own country. Munich was the rendez-vous of refugees from the East like Jawlensky, the brothers Burliuk, Kandinsky, and some Italians like de Chirico, ill at ease at home and who, nourished with Greek culture and German philosophy, were more arrested with the spirit of Sezession than with a Parisian modernism. The French, they were hardly headed for Munich(46).

The bohemian spirit, which welcomed all, also drew a certain number of anti-conformists of another nature. Twelve years before Duchamp, Munich had welcomed, under the name of Herr Meyer, a certain Vladimir Ilitch Oulianov who, in the tranquility of the students’ and “artists'” quarter of Schwabing, would write under the alias Lenin manifestos destined to change the world. And, in May 1912, if one believes Mein Kampf and the account of the life therein(47), Hitler also landed in Munich and went to live a few steps from the domicile which accepted Lenin, on the Schleissheimerstrasse, in the north of town, at the edge of Schwabing. Hitler wrote that he was “full of enthusiasm,” with the intention of putting to work his training as an Architekturzeichner,  as a draftsman. However, Hitler never succeeded in getting accepted to the city’s Academie des Beaux-Arts; it was more difficult in Munich to live as an artist than in Vienna(48).


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Heinrich Hoffmann,
Marcel Duchamp

10. Heinrich Hoffmann,
Marcel Duchamp, 1912

Is it possible that Hitler and Duchamp crossed paths in Munich, in the smoky cabarets of Schwabing or in the Festsaal of the Hofbrauhaus? It’s slightly possible. When Apollinaire wanted a portrait of Duchamp to illustrate Les Peintres cubistes, Duchamp chose Heinrich Hoffmann, the #1 photographer of Munich who had come to immortalize the work of von Stuck and of Hildebrandt, ill.10. This is the same Hoffman who, eleven years later, would become Hitler’s personal photographer(49).
The photographs that he made of Duchamp, in the pose of a speaker with his mouth shut, were, it’s been said, influenced by Erik Jan Hanussen, the famous European sage, seer, and astrologer, who would have taught Duchamp the art of body language(50).

* * *

This reference takes us back to the ambiguous capital in which avant-garde artists and political adventurers plunged indiscriminately. In 1912, Munich had in effect become the Haupstadt, the European capital of occultism(51). The Gesellschaft für Psychologie, established by the official Baron
von Prell and the doctor von Schrenck-Notzing, was then in full swing and multiplying its exchanges with the spiritual underworlds in England, Italy and France. Nor did the heart of the modernist scene in Munich pass unnoticed by Stefan George’s circle. Moreover, in the plastic domain, along with vson Stuck and Marées, who carried the symbolist generation, one of the most celebrated painters in Munich was Gabriel von Max who painted portraits of sleepwalkers and spirits. His brother, photographer Henrich von Max, took photos of mediums in trance that Gabriel then used in his tableaus. Here, we notice a coincidence with the use of auras and halos which Duchamp tried his hand in with, for example, Portrait de Dumouchel. In 1907, the annual meeting of the Theosophical Society met in Munich and, between 1909 and 1913, the Mysteries of Rudolf Steiner were regularly played there. The great anthropology master(52), who in 1913 broke away to distinguish himself from the theosophy of Blavatsky, also promoted, during these years, conferences which were assiduously attended by Klee, Kandinsky, Jawlensky, Gabriele Münter and Marianna van Werefkin. Did Duchamp listen in? If this disciple was reading so attentively, to the point where he made particular notes in Du spirituel dans l’art, wouldn’t he have been tempted to listen to the master? Did he go to see the Alchemy museum, in the future Deutsches Museum, with its cornues threaded one into the other like the sieves of the Large Glass? Without a doubt, and much more. It was in Munich in any case that he discovered the theme of his Grand Oeuvre and it was in a frenzy that he multiplied his approaches which would one day turn into the Large Glass : Virgin (No. 1), Virgin (No. 2), Mécanique de la Pudeur, Pudeur mécanique, Passage of the Virgin to the Bride, Bride.
* * *

In search of a non-retinal art, capable of taking into account the invisible and its manifestations, Duchamp very naturally gravitated towards these “seekers” and found photography to be the new medium which would permit him to materialize these new phenomena. In 1922, on Christmas Day, in the Brevoort hotel in New York, he wrote to his brother Jacques Villon: “I know a photographer here who takes photos of the ectoplasm around a male medium – I had promised to help him in one of the seances and then got lazy but it would have amused me a lot.”(53)
“Metarealism” had never really stopped fascinating the man who, in the “Pistons de courant d’Air,” had always meant to photograph ectoplasm.

It was this direction that I undertook to define in Duchamp et la photographie(54).
But the work, which appeared in 1977, had come too early. Enthusiasm for photography had not yet been born. Above all, in the Parisian climate, one wasn’t disposed to admit that occultism, theosophy and spirituality had fed the imaginations of modern painters more than Lenin’s work or the treatises of Rood or Chevreul. It would have to wait twenty-eight years and through a series of exhibitions that would begin in Los Angeles with The Spiritual in Art(55)and culminate in Frankfurt with Okkultismus und Avant Garde(56)in order to see this approach not only validated, but triumphing over others.
Much since then has appeared which reveals the immense influence of the irrational at the turn of the century on the birth of the avant-garde(57).

Two unpublished sources

A little more than twenty years ago, in 1977, I attempted to present the fertile ground of this vein without taking much risk and committing myself to it. To establish the approach of the avant-garde from its curiosity with the occult instead of its solidarity with the proletariat, this would have been too much of a shock for the doxaof modernism.

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The cover of the book by
Louis Farigoule

11. The cover of the book by
Louis Farigoule, La Vision
extra-rétinienne et le sens
paroptique
, 1921

Even so, the indications poured in. While disappointing others, I discovered that in February 1919 – when Duchamp had moved towards the invisible, bought a small glass, To Be Looked at (from the Other Side of the Glass)…, and worked on the stereoscopic point of view of the anaglyphes – a certain Louis Farigoule, an old student of the École normale supérieure, destined to be celebrated under the name Jules Romains, had published in the NRF an essay entitled La Vision extra-rétinienne et le sens paroptique(58)

[Extra-Retinal Vision and the Paroptical Sense], ill. 11. Featuring sightless vision, the young doctor closely approximated some of Duchamp’s ideas on the art of the non-retinal and Henri Poincaré’s take on tactile space. With “paroptical” perception, hadn’t he come across “a certain perception about optical conditions of the exterior environment apart from or in comparison to the mechanism of normal perception.”(59)?
The paroptical sense, according to the doctor, who conducted his experiences as if he were in a laboratory, had accorded him “tell-tale markings, microscopic organisms situated on the epidermis.(60)” Or, in other words, it’s the entire body which, according to this theory of an extra-retinal vision, has the capacity of perceiving colors and shapes without using the ordinary mechanics of ordinary vision.

Did Duchamp know of Louis Farigoule’s fantastic theory? The book was distributed among doctors but Duchamp neither shared in this, nor cited the book. The fact remains, however, that Jules Romain, later,in Les Hommes de bonne volunté, was going to create along the lines of Valéry/ Strigelius, a portrait in which Marcel Duchamp would have recognized himself: “These men never left the zone of general sublimation. Space,the dimension of space, the fourth dimension, pure form, absolute form,objectivity, creation, analysis and synthesis, total perspective, absolute plans. Here was what never ceased to burden my eyes. When they cited a particular name, it wasn’t that of an artist. It was that of Henri Poincaré, Duhem, Gustave Le Bon, Riemann, Lobatchewsky….(61)

* * *


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The cover of the book

12. The cover of thebook by
Camille Revel, Le Hasard,
sa loi et ses conséquence dans
les sciences et en philosophie

, Paris, 1909 (with the annotation
by David Gascoyne)

Yet again, in 1977, had I known that Duchamp, in the ten years it took him to construct the Large Glass, was attentively reading another forgotten author today, Camille Revel, who in 1909 had published with the Chacornac press, a.k.a. “Librairie générale des Sciences occultes,” and with the Durville press, a.k.a. “Librairie générale du magnétisme,” a very large book called Le Hasard, sa loi et ses conséquences dans les sciences et en philosophie, suivi d’un essai sur la métempsycose basé sur les principes de la biologie et du magnétisme physiologique(62)The Law of Chance and Its Consequences in Science and Philosophy, followed with an essay on metempsychosis based on the principles of biology and physiological magnetism] ill. 12.

Evidence of Duchamp’s fascination for the occult is on the exemplary copy that he owned and which was entrusted to me by Jacqueline Matisse-Monnier. On the cover there is a handwritten inscription in ink:”One of the sources of the originality of Marcel Duchamp.” It is written in the hand of the English poet David Gascoyne to whom Duchamp had previously entrusted the book(63).
I leave this unpublished source – decisive in so many ways- to the examination of future scholars.

A modern theophany

What does this continuous association with the unseen worlds mean? That, absolutely, there was never with Duchamp the will, despite the last go-round with Breton, to elevate found objects to the rank of art under the name “ready-made.”
This definition, it’s almost with regret that Duchamp accepted it and it was just barely at the end of the fifties that he consented to comment on who seemed to get the credit(64).

Therefore, more than thirty years after having conceived and made them, he resigned himself, under the pressure of the neo-dadaists desiring to recruit him to their brotherhood, to side with the legions of the current avant-garde.

Ready-made? It underestimates the complexity, the finesse, and the material perfection of these enigmatic objects, so difficult to reproduce(65),and which seem to me rather like subtle traps with which to harness Chance,similar to the small curios of the American Indians, objects made of nets,shells and beads that they call dream-catchers.

However, what artist or critic in the fifties, in the middle of l’informel and existentialism, a fortiori in the sixties, in the age of spontaneity and provocation, would have been able to accept the spiritual and occultist arrière-fonds, the idealist philosophy and the quasi-religious (in the proper sense of the term) from which these objects, which were going to do so much to clarify matters, had been chosen and defined? It was necessary to find in their existence an explanation in accordance with the spirit of the time – something that Duchamp only barely supplied at last, a posteriori. The theories of Jouffret and Poincaré, which concern themathematical representation of the world, and invisible radiation – which by means of the negative brings proof of a reality other than that perceived by our senses – as a technique of representing the world, are the same expression, yet again, of a non-retinal vision. If we go along with this perspective, we must understand then that the fourth dimension which renders itself visible in the third dimension is for us the geometric metaphor of that which was in ancient times the metaphor of God, hidden, rendered visible in the carnal image of Christ. And, suggesting the mystery of the creation of the image, which has preoccupied every artist, the ready-made, an object of encounter, of the “rendez-vous,” is measured in varying degrees. Like Duchamp said, “this snapshot effect” of “on such a day, such a date such a minute” where the hand of the artist does not interfere would be the equivalent in our time of that which was the image achéiropoiète of the Byzantines in which Chance, to use the capitalization of Camille Revel, would play the role of God.

Far from the tabula rasa of the avant-garde which supposes a creation ex nihilo, it goes against a strange dream of logical relationships and of the necessary continuity of a creation – “that rules from age to age,” which Duchamp abandoned when he said:
“So a man can never expect to start from scratch; he must start from ready-made things like even his own mother and father.(66)

The ready-made isn’t therefore a manifestation of a new absolute, it is the re-emerging effect of an obscure area which reappears at a given moment according to a “clockwork” firmly fixed. It is that which manifests itself in the line between the present and the past immemorial, the hic et nunc that reflects upon the whole history of the species, along with its eternal riddle. It would be a modern véronique, an apparition in our space of appearance – to use the same words as Duchamp – similar to the apparition of the face of Edess on the wo-dimensional canvas that is an appearance of the divine, passage then from a universe of n + 1 dimensions to a universe of n dimensions, vera icona, in three dimensions. It is the indication of the hidden face of an invisible multidimensionality which, under certain conditions, is revealed in the “infra-mince” of the cut between the two worlds. This is to say also that, with such an esthetic, the act replaces the work. The ready-made is the effect of a blind date, just as good Fortune hangs in the balance of its counter, and, in effect(67), veils the eyes: taste has nothing to see. The eye, which makes an artist, serves nothing. Neither discernment nor judgement. A method of feeling one’s way, “like a medium,” “towards a clearing…beyond space and time.”

The blind abandon of Chance. The “rendez-vous” isn’t dictated by sight of another, by attraction to another: it is decided according to calculations where the esthetic judgement doesn’t enter in at the beginning. In reviving the traditional iconography of Occasio calva that we rip our hair out for only as long as she is bald and her eyes blindfolded. Chance according
to Duchamp is a game of metaphysics below nothingness(68).

An encounter with the ready-made, the clockwork of the “rendez-vous” creates
a vertigo that simple attraction, taste for a thing or a being, wouldn’t know how to produce. Games of Love and Chance, the roll of the die and the eroticism of the libertine: Eros and Tyché would be the directors of the Duchamp pantheon.
It dawned on me to compare Leonardo da Vinci with the author of the Large Glass at a conference held in Cerisy in 1978(69).

In relation to succeeding generations of love and the chance of ossicles running into one another (which already speaks of the beyond), Leonardo remarked, “We’ll see the bones of the dead, in rapid movements, deciding the fate of those who killed them.”a succession of generations of love and chance, noted “On verra les ossements des morts, par leurs mouvements rapides, décider de la fortune de ceux qui les meuvent.(70)

This is as far from the marvelous encounters of the surrealists as it is from the scraps of the hand-me-down dadaists. No hermeneutic of the Freudian type in this business of randomness and shadows. To Alfred Barr who asked him why he made use of chance, Duchamp responded that with chance there were two means of eluding “the human element unconscious in art” (the other being, in technique, the use of a purely mechanical drawing)(71).

As a result, no way out of the unconscious dear to surrealism. But worse still, none of the clinical. No willingness to wait for charity. There was nothing to cure. “Given that…; if I suppose I’m suffering a lot” (72):the “Tender of gravity” would not soothe the lead soles of the saturnine being which Duchamp was…It was better to choose anesthesia, in order not to suffer. The absence of all sensation. An ataraxie esthetic. A suspension of judgement and taste.

From “elementary parallelism” to sexual duality

Eros, then, but a restless eros. The myth of the androgynous haunts Duchamp’s creative process. There’s no point though in looking back like we did with alchemy. The androgynous figure was familiar to the decadents of the turn of the century, even central with Péladan, the biographer of Leonardo, and Duchamp, yet again, behaves like his heir. When in 1919, on a return to France, he adds a moustacheand beard à la Napoleon III to the Mona Lisa on a postcard to make it appear more masculine, he accomplished, just like he said, “un geste de provocation,” destined to show sympathy with the Dada movement that Tzara had just created in Zurich in 1916 and which had begun to spread in Paris. Perhaps what he said was true. Dadaist or not, the provocation would inscribe itself in a strongly established tradition of caricature and pleasantry in the spirit of turning things upside down which had been flourishing in December 1913, when the Mona Lisa was returned to the Louvre, after having been stolen two years before. André Chastel has brilliantly recreated the story of these derivations and vulgarities, to which Duchamp’s farce appears, all in all, rather modest in comparison(73).

However, curiously, while his book contains reproductions of Italian newspapers where the name of the Mona Lisa is correctly spelled, Chastel pays no attention to the Italian spelling and doesn’t comment on the name being misspelled by the French: “Mona Lisa” when it should have been written “Monna Lisa” (Monna being the Italian diminutive of Madonna). Or that the expression “mona lisa” could have only made our Italian neighbors laugh (74).

The word mona, in a popular dialect from the north of Italy, means vagina. The poems of Baffo are an interminable ode to the mona. “Cara mona, che in mezzo a do colone” ; “Gran beni che la mona al mondo fa!” As for the adjective lisa, which is the feminine of liso, it means threadbare. A mona lisa, then, to speak rigorous French, is a vagina that’s losing its hair(75).
The Mona Lisa as Duchamp presented her, with a moustache and beard(76) has been given back some luster and some hair. Against better judgement: the “L.H.O.O.Q. rasée,” that he signed in 1965, is the Mona Lisa as Leonardo had painted her, without this hair.But the word liso, wasn’t it also, in a strict parallel,the plucked penello that was Duchamp himself when, in renouncing art, he went without this “little brush” crowned with a tuft of hair that is the sign of the painter and the symbol of his power?

Duchamp’s so-called Leonardo “ready-made” shows only a little Dada provocation. It introduces a return to a sarcastic reflection, not without finesse, on the precariousness, the possibilty and finally on the reversibility of a secondary sexual characteristic and, as a result, on the dividing “infra-mince” between the two genders which make up the species.

* * *


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Montage

13.Montage by Jean Toche
according to La grande Fortune
by Albrecht Dürer and Moulin à Eau
by Marcel Duchamp, for
the cover of the third volume
of Marcel Duchamp, edited
by Jean Clair,Paris, 1977
Klein bottle, Paris
14.Klein bottle, Paris, Palais
de la Découverte

When I wrote, in the article “Éroticism” in the Abécedaire
for Duchamp (77)ill.
13
, an essay on the complimentary anatomical shapes of Female Fig Leaf and Objet-Dard [Dart-Object], it was the strangeness of
a topology which they represented which caught my attention. The two figures,
in their necessary male/female reversibility, were also two possible projections,
in a three-dimensional world, of a four-dimensional entity, and Klein’s bottle, well known to mathematicians, could offer a sensible approximation of this.

Without a doubt, Duchamp knew of this bizarre object, a one-surface, unilateral volume which represented, along with Möbius’ ribbon, a number of objects which were kept at the Henri Poincaré Institute (which surrealists assiduously frequented) and which Breton collected on occasion, ill. 14. At the start of the sixties, when Duchamp met up with François Le Lionnais, mathematician and member of the Pataphysics College, there were again the topological mysteries of the Möbius ribbon and the Klein bottle that, one would think, intrigued them.This Klein bottle, born from the twisting of a spout turning in on itself, a spout reminiscent of a gloved finger, which so to speak invades itself(78),this strange cornue whose mouth plunges into its belly, with neither an inside nor an outside, was in effect a perfect illustration of the following note from the Green Box – the only time where it appears beside the mention of a learned four-dimensionality(79):
“The interior and exterior (in a fourth dimension) can receive a similar identification.” If this series of imprints of the female sex, molds of a vulva and a vagina, gave birth to some of the “dards” and “d’art” objects, such an enterprise responded well to the curiosity about genitalia, a mystery as old as time. In my article, I reproduced for the first time,a tableau which, twenty years later, would set a lot of pens in motion -Courbet’s L’Origine du monde(80) – and I cited the analyses of Sandor Ferenczi who, in returning to Haeckel,established an ontogeny and phylogeny parallel in noting the perfect relationship between the phallus and the vagina, organe-fée,organe-Mélusine, sometimes developed in depth and sometimes on thesurface according to the needs of space(81).

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The vagina represented like a penis

15.The vagina represented like a penis,
engraving taken from the work of Vésale,
De humnai corporis fabrica, Bâle,
1543

The studies of Thomas Laqueur on the representations of the different sexes didn’t appear in the United States until 1990. Dwelling on the representation that Vésale made of the vagina in Fabrica,imagined like a penis fitted back inside its glove, Laqueur analyzed the chance that such a “phallic” representation would have in successive images of the female genitals throughout the Renaissance and even, in the imagination of our minds, up to our time(82)ill.
.

* * *

It was hardly necessary, however, at the time I did so,to trace back to the analyses of Lacan and Laqueur in order to talk about Duchamp’s sexual molds. I needed to go back only so far to get what Duchamp in his youth would have been able to read, during the first years of the century, in the way of Remy de Gourmont(83).A Norman like Duchamp (originally from Orne), a man of taste, a curious mind, passionate about the erotic, anarchistic, and admirably individual, Remy de Gourmont would hardly have gone unobserved in the eyes of his neighbor in Blainville.

* * *

In 1903, his Physiology of Love was published. Chapter VIII, dedicated to the “organs of love” spoke of “sexual duality and sexual parallelism” as the title of the chapter implied. Gourmont, giving in to the Age of Industrialism, remarked that the male and female genitals were very much “like gears which must hook together with exactitude.”
But even more, citing Galien, it was the similarity in the difference that got his attention: “Every part of man is found in woman; there is only a difference in point of view, it’s only that parts of the woman are internal and those of the man are external, from the region of the perineum. Take into account whichever first gets your attention, either one, and then think of the outside of woman, and think of the inside of man, and you will find everything the same…”(84)

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 Dart-Object

16. Marcel Duchamp, Dart-Object,
1951, galvanized plaster
Female Fig Lea
17. Marcel Duchamp, Female Fig Leaf,
1950, galvanized plaster
Female Fig Leaf
18. Marcel Duchamp, Female Fig Leaf,
Cover for the review, Le Surréalisme,
même

This turning about – inversely – of the male and female was carried out initially with molds of the female sex (85), first of the external part in the object Not a Shoe, then of the hollow of the vagina in Objet-Dard. Then it was carried out with a photographic inversion, negative/positive, of an imprint that Duchamp made of the female sex with Female Fig Leaf for the cover of issue no. 1 of Surréalisme, même that Duchamp was going to carry out according to a “cut” which, following the teaching of Poincaré, passes through a superior dimension to the three-dimensional one of an anatomical organ. We could then be able to say that, as always, it passed systematically from the flat, two-dimensional representation of the genitals to a three-dimensional representation and, in the declination of the four works that we’ve cited, it passes to apprehending a four-dimensional sexuality. This sublimates the very blow that comes with the notion of a cut or “section” that the term sex implies – ill. 15 – 18 – by demonstrating that the “gender,” the male or the female, was never, as with perspective, only a question of a point of view, given [étant donné ], from a certain distance, from a fixed eye-level, etc.

It was Gourmont again, who, citing Diderot in D’Alembert’s Dream, fournished a description that underlines what the masculine sex possesses, a particular shaft within that resembles, said he, “a tacked on vulva”: “There is in man, from the anus to the scrotum, an interval that we call the perineum, and from the scrotum to the tip of the penis, a vestige that seems to be leftover from a vulva, tacked on…”(86)

If we keep in mind that the singular technique of
the Objet-Dard with its curious hard metal shaft running the length
of it, we can’t miss the parallel. The sewing, the network of “stoppages,” the m of metal are familiar terms in the Duchamp vocabulary.

* * *


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 “androgynat alchimique”

19. The “androgynat alchimique”
and copulation of the two “alambics,
” engraving drawn from a work
of Giambattista della Porte, De
Distillationibus
, Strasbourg,
1609

The topological particularities of the Klein bottle could also lead to other reflections. I have even compared this last with the figures of the androgynat alchimique such as the ones represented by Giambattista della Porta, ill. 19. The figure of the Klein bottle devouring itself in a continuous movement which develops on the outside its internal surface and, conversely, which folds back in on the interior surface that which outlines it on the exterior, this movement of inversion would find itself very much in the figure of the two alambics maintaining between them a continuous motion of supply and demand. Della Porta, inventor of the camera oscura, invokes a telling premonition of modern analysis situs. Hadn’t he made it in light of the image of a pelican devouring itself, of which the torsion of its beak plunging into its stomach in order to nourish itself is the same as the Klein bottle, a kind of esophagus continuum inverting its contained with its containing?

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Paris Air

20.Marcel Duchamp, Paris Air,
1919, Philadelphia Museum of Art,
The Louise and Walter Arensberg
Collection.

Now, the movement articulating the interior and exterior of the same volume around a unilateral surface is also found in another Duchamp object, Paris Air, ill. 20. The small glass vial, sealed and terminating in a slender neck, sketches the movement of the Klein bottle and poses in a certain way the same problem. What is “outside” in Paris, the air one breathes, becomes, when transported to New York,”inside,” contained in a small bottle, a pocket of 50cc. The so-called readymade is now a strangely poetic object, largely meditative, a trap for dreaming, banal in appearance, that opens up one’s mind to the reversibility of phenomena according to the point of view of the observer.
To be a man or a woman is a question of point of view, which expands or envelopes the surface of one and the same Objet-Dard.


To breathe is also a question of point of view, whether it’s about inhaling the air around us or considering the air just captured from where we were. This infinitesimal difference, that the transparent wall of a capsule of air creates, is what will resume for us the notion of “infra-mince.”
Duchamp had said, “When the tobacco smoke smells also of the mouth which exhales it, the odors marry by infra-thin.(87) And when he calls himself a “breather” and lets go of his last breath, again, the question of “infra-mince” comes into play. The inscription on his tomb reads: “Besides, it’s always the others who die.

Besides, which is to say seen from another side, considered from another place, an unreal death. Death is only an “appearance.” It is seen from the eyes of those who are on this side of the world, but it isn’t a matter of ours. We will never be the eye-witnesses of our own death.
As we approach it, the last breath separates us from it. We believe we can grasp it, from the other side of the glass, but it escapes us, belonging in the very act to another dimension that is where we will remain. It is not hidden from life but follows along the same unilateral surface and continues, like the Bride’s love, and recovers from the act of enveloping and expanding one and the same reality. It is also in a dimension other than the continued three-dimensional, the continued succession of appearances that alone the infirmity of our experiences prevents us from entirely grasping just as it keeps us from understanding the end. From this side of things, we will never be the observers of our death. This “Besides” that separates us from the “infra-mince” frontier, from an invisible window, isn’t it also the glass through which Alice, in a mathematician’s fantasy,stepped into another world?
One last thing, in this moment when Thanatos rejects Eros, Duchamp, the great melancholic, noticed that our judgements and our affections always depend on the angle from which we absorb space and time in the world here below. And this world will forever be just a simple reflection taken from a superior reality that always remains inaccessible to us…

The Soirée with Mr. Duchamp

With Remy de Gourmont, we return to the place where we started. Duchamp, decadent?
Remember, one more time, the portrait that Jules Romains drew of Strigelius for which the model was Paul Valéry. A Strigelius “satisfied, not with production, whose faults didn’t escape him at all, but with mannerism, by which things happened. He wasn’t tormented one moment, wasn’t afraid of sterility, neither of failure […] Everything was given to the encounters between matter and mental instinct. Strigelius himself – such a responsible man, a director of “signature” – was restricted to being attentive and speaking his mind. He showed little pain. The game amused him.(88)Leonardo’s method, which would have fascinated Paul Valéry, and the Strigelius method that Jules Romains described are in effect one and the same method – the method of Duchamp, “le directeur qui a la ‘signature'”.

The way to escape sterility and to ignore the angst of being a creator is to leave oneself to Chance, not to the game of the surrealists in which, in the shadow of the unconscious, there sparkles the meeting of words and graffiti, the promise of the sense and the accomplishment of desire. Nor is the way to escape by taking on “the automation of the sibyl” but, says Jules Romains very smartly, “a kind of automation of instinct” which permits him to “stay in agreement with his vision of the world, having crowned old dreams that it turns into a physical-mathematical culture (89).”

Within [the French] “insecte” there’s the word “sec” [“dry”] and this key word to Duchamp’s esthetic is the confession of a moral: beneath the sparkling of words there is nothing, nothing profound, nothing interior, nothing trembling, but a roll of the die forever tossed away. Perhaps there was only the fascination of the skeleton, “la mariée squelette” for Duchamp, in its geometrical purity and in its honest whiteness,
a corpse which would always be refused the exquisite charm of existence… The real work, like with Leonardo – like with Raymond Roussel whose approach to writing also gave rise to the Strigelius method (90)– was always sacrificed to a program of possible works. In default of mastering a creation, we see a dissemination of immense criticism. A poïétique, in the absence of a work.

Let’s stick, however, to the ambition of creating art. Even a masterpiece. This ambition was that of Leonardo. Nothing less preoccupied Duchamp, nothing more concerted. Lazy but stubborn. He was, in this way, a classical mind: none of the mall-mindedness or shortness of breath of the moderns who identified with him. Thirteen years to work on the Large Glass. Twenty years on Étant donnés. And the first notes for this enigmatic work, which was revealed in 1969, date back to…1915. Similarly, 1915 is the date of his notes about The Clock in Profile which wasn’t seen until 1960. An astonishing perseverance, an astonishing production, focused, while everything around him fell to pieces. But a masterpiece, in the second half of this century, was it even possible?

* * *

In essence, more like Monsieur Teste than any other. “I was badly, sharply affected with perfection. I held onto an extreme desire incapable to comprehend, and I was searching inside myself for those areas critical to my ability to perceive.(91)
With a similar feeling of distance, we aren’t any further from the “Painting of precision” or the “Beauty of indifference” which would define the esthetic of Marcel Duchamp.
And still, he who welcomed beginnings, ignored ends, who considered himself superb, as a “définitif inachèvement,” how could he not have recognized himself as being in the faith profession like Teste: “The general results – and by consequence the work – interested me a lot less than the energy of the worker – the substance he trusts.(92)

The treatise on chess that he wrote in 1932 with Halberstadt, Opposition and Sister Squares Are Reconciled, brings this interest to mind. From the author’s own confession, the book was unusable. It features a problem which almost never happens in chess matches and would only serve a handful of persons. “These are possible situations at the of a match, but so rare that they are nearly utopian. Chess champions don’t even read the book since the problem it raises only happens maybe once in a lifetime.”

It was Henri-Pierre Roché who would guess the profoundly hopeless horizon
of such an enterprise. “A game,” certainly, but an extreme one, which people no longer fancied. Would this have amused him too? A Monsieur Teste of the domain of art – “It isn’t a matter of demand for the same possibility. The worry can be about control. He observes himself, he maneuvers, he doesn’t want to leave himself to maneuver.He only knows two values, two categories, those which are the underlying consciousness of his acts: the possible and the impossible….(93)

The Taboo of Modern Art

Having arrived at this point, I was seized with doubt. Monsieur Teste? But Monsieur Teste had nothing of the sarcastic about him. Nothing of this mordant irony, nor even the cynicism that we encounter in Duchamp. Moreover, wasn’t it a matter of conserving art – Ars– by killing the artist himself, as if cutting the strings of a marionette? Or, on the contrary, since art was already dead in 1912 when Duchamp came upon the scene, was it about preserving the illusion of being an artist, sparing oneself the labor of having to do the work?”Since 1923 I consider myself as an artist ‘défroqué’ [unfrocked],” he wrote in his own hand in the sixties(94). What religion of art did he serve as preacher? What liturgy did he celebrate? And in 1923, the unfinished state of the Large Glass – his failure? – what lay people did he show this to? The expression of “unsatisfied relations” came to my quill when I attempted, simultaneously, to trace the process of exclusion which made Duchamp “a failure” and to deconstruct the genealogy of the readymade. “Il faut partire de ce qui a déjà été fait…comme l’ont fait son propre père et sa propre mère.” An unexpected confession from the mouth of an iconoclast and an avant-gardist who had found himself also the youngest in a line of artists.

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Ready-made

21. Marcel Duchamp,
Ready-made
, 1964

In 1964, Duchamp produced a twilight readymade from a photo of his family, ill. 21. Taken in 1899, it is found to have been cut – like the outline of Marcel Duchamp in M.D. dechiravit – along a certain curve. We see the father, Eugene Duchamp, seated on the right, and next to him the two sisters, Suzanne and Yvonne, while in the top half, the mother holds in her arms the newborn baby Magdeleine. Young Marcel is in the center. The two brothers, however, aren’t visible in this cut-out of the photograph. Intentional? To avenge the insult from them at the Indépendants? “Incest, or the passion of the family.(95)
The last settling of an account of the child “born to rebel”?

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Fountain

22. Marcel Duchamp, Fountain,
1917, photo by Alfred Stieglitz

The way the photo has been cut is unique, just like the hat of a doge is unique, with still another cut within, like the shadow of a needle. But the helix which opens a window within the photo shows also, precisely, another cut and another shadow: that of Fountain,in its canonic photo that was made by Stieglitz in 1917, ill. 22,to illustrate The Richard Mutt Case. The family portrait becomes,in a certain sense, a retouched photo, framed by the readymade Fountain.

In carefully choosing the angle from which it would be taken, and in designing the shadow in the urinal’s cavity – the same as the outline of the photo – Stieglitz gave the sanitary apparition the appearance of a mandorle or a Buddha, as some people have said.
The sanitary object thus disposed – turned to a 90 degree angle, photographed,of trivial use now as a public object – took on the allure of a porcelaintalisman, pious, for private worship. The title even underlines the ambiguity:Fountain, with its connotation of lustrous water, of natural origins,of a clear rejuvenating spring.

It was Louise Norton, wife of the composer Edgar Varèse, who dubbed Duchamp’s urinal “the Buddha of the Bathroom.” Relying on a passage from the authority, Remy de Gourmont – rightly, in his Essay on the Dissociation of Ideas – yet again doesn’t hesitate to see, if one succeeds in breaking away from conventional bonds with which we link objects with functions and words, the “pure” example of an art of the future. A fountain to cleanse the face of prejudice. Should we ask ourselves now about the significance of the signature: R. MUTT? We will here advance a hypothesis: “Mutt” in English is a pejorative word that means “imbecile, twit.” Modern-day French would say “sale con.” As for the letter R, rather than being the initial of a surname, doesn’t it go back to an episode during preparations for the exhibition of the Society of Independent Artists where the urinal was going to be shown? Duchamp had been charged by the committee’s director to preside over the hanging of the art. In order to decide how to choose the alphabetical order of the artists, he decided to do a drawing of lots. It was by chance that the letter R was drawn first and would determine the place of 2,125 works at the exhibition. As a result, R appears like the rank of the work and “mutt,” its adjective. Notice too, that to the eye of any student of German, like Duchamp, R. Mutt can be read as “Armut,” German for “poor”, “indigent,” “destitute,” “penurious,” “incapable.” Geistige Armut is poverty of the spirit.In English, like in German, the word rings with lowlife, humiliation – confirming the use of the object which in modern society serves to evacuate urine.
An esthetic of the stercoraire

To inscribe the effigies of his own family in the inside of a urinal is to recall Inter urinas et faeces nascimur. To make it in the spirit of a readymade that more than any other was put at stake along with his relationship and his reputation, his “fame” as an artist. To compisser his family in the same action and to enthrone a urinal – this was to pursue a scatalogical and embarrassing eloquence that he often manifested. Recall, of the twenty examples of puns and Morceaux moisis [Moldy pieces] gathered by Michel Sanouillet, the “Fossettes d’aisances,” the “Oh! do shit again…” “Oh! douche it again,” the “de MA Pissotière j’aperçois Pierre de Massot” and, above all, the anagram so revelatory: “Ruiner, uriner” [Ruined, Urined].(96)
The useless public urinal, Fountain, appears at first glance like a perverse parody on the shell in which Aphrodite was born from the foam of the sea and the sperm of a god. The ejaculation stream and the urine stream are the insult made to the vénusté. Of the Beauty remains only “ruins.” But for the semen to substitute waste is to advance that reproduction is no longer from Eros but has returned to its primitive cloak. “One has only: for female urinal and one lives by it…(97)
The urinal also establishes, in contemporary history, that the museum, a closed and sacred place where the object of ancient ritual turns into the object of modern culture, is in shocking proximity to the pit of release, the public bathroom, the prostitute or the brothel(98).
At the opposite end of the spectrum of the positivistic thesis of Malraux on the metamorphosis of Gods in the imaginary muséal, Duchamp’s museum is a place of cleaning out, of reducing, of desecrating art in “in every respect.” A general draining of values.

* * *

Since the time of the ancients, the experience of the stercus
has been linked to the birth of culture (99).
Our ontological position faced with the concept of Beauty is first a scatological position. What, asked Goethe, do we make of this Erdenrest, of this inopportune “pit stop” by which man, like animal, marks out his territory(100)?

Civilization, if one believes Freud, is subjected to a double unrest: when shed of an impulse to subjugate such dregs of the earth, it creates objects and values socially useful but it is constantly motivated by the need for “more juice” [tr. a play on the word for “orgasm”] which is never reducible to the dimension of the useful. Civilization is trapped between the reality of excreta and the necessity of waste which comes from the production of abundance, itself born of the triad – order, cleanliness, beauty – fruit of our education, which is to say the repression of instinct. In this way, waste is found to be sublimated to a gain in pleasure, an enrichment, of which a work of art would be the most noble image. The high degree of civilization of the Roman culture is measured as much for the construction of a Cloaca maxima as for the beauty of proportion in an aqueduct bringing water for bathing. From the mud of the stercoraire
is born the treasure of our culture(101).
The arrival of Fountain does away with the fabric of society, or rather transforms its gold back into mud. The immense effort of transformation of the impulsive energy that establishes a culture is reduced by Duchamp to an action so lazy that it becomes an “infra-mince.” In his sketch of the economy of minimal impulses, he draws up a list of “…slight, wasted energies such as…the growth of a head of hair, of other body hair and of the nails…the fall of urine and excrement…stretching, yawning, sneezingl…ordinary spitting and of blood…vomiting, ejaculation,[…] etc.”(102)

It’s to draw an esthetic of the stercoraire and this perhaps is his last word.
Let’s recall that Freud, in Civilisation and Its Discontents,was exposing a curious theory, à propos of an interesting game of figures of “ambition, (of) fire, and (of) urethra erotica,” in recalling the accomplished “exploits” of Gargantua and Gulliver, giants who, in extinguishing fire by urinating, affirm their virile (103)power. In the destiny of unfulfilled ambition, worse still, falling short in a duel with his own brothers, one could say in this respect that the urinal was playing its symbolic role.

But Freud above all was testifying in his essay which extended the introductory remarks in Totem and Taboo, his anxiousness in distinguishing, in the society of his time, the symptoms of the eclipse of the social Super Ego, of this Kultur Über-Ich, this idealization
of Me (104) that cultivated society impresses upon us and art would be its highest(105)representation. He alone allowed, in channeling and domesticating ones impulses, in particular in mastering ones erotic instincts, anal and urethral, to establish a civilization.

The collapse of the collective Super Ego, such that we, stupefied and alarmed at this end of the century can record it, would verify even the pessimism of Freud, one of the last sages that the philosophy of the Enlightenment fathered. And Duchamp would be one of the most resounding symptoms of it.
An archaic sacer

In such a turnaround of values, such a transmutation à rebours, of gold into bones, because the work is defiled, because it can no longer be consecrated in the liturgy of a clergy elevated in the religion of art (thus was it still for the symbolists and the decadents) and because the artist is today necessarily, a “défroqueé of art”, art can suddenly get strength and be reborn, by and in the waste, even. It is the same filth, the same stercus taken as it is of the impure and untouchable, that revived a sense of the sacred, a sacred other, at the opposite end of the spectrum from the delicate fin de siècle mysticism.
To be taken in such ambivalence was to rediscover the sense of an essential and enigmatic figure that was the origin of a sense of the divine: the sacratio of the sacer.
It was discovered that at the same time of Duchamp’s youth, the sacratio was defined, studied and discussed by the growing science of anthropology (106).

The sacratio is the archetypal figure of the sacred as much as it is of the consecration of the infernal gods, analogous in its ambiguity to the ethnological notion of taboo, august and damned, both worthy of inspiring veneration and creating horror. The sacer manifests the impossibility of separating the sacred, the saint, and the sacrosanct as we know them from the impure, the damned, the abominable. Is sacer that which, with a being or an object, simultaneously raises the sacred and the profane, the taboo and the untouchable, the consecration and the outlawed, the secret to guard and the order to reject? In him veneration and horror get mixed up, same as disgust and sanctification, the holy and the unclean.


One could say it was discovered that between the end of the 19th century and during the first two decades of the 20thcentury that this theory of the ambiguous sacred, a sacred “faste” [“splendorous”] and a sacred “nefaste” [“harmful”], would meet its greatest fortune. Freud himself in Totem et Tabou, in 1912, referred to it. It coincided, as Giorgio Agamben (107) rightly noted, with this moment where the western religious tradition, at the end of the Victorian era, began to betray its own malaise, such that theology admitted its confusion before the riddle of the revealed word, such that religious sentiment had descended into the banal, a shudder, before the obscure and the impenetrable. Duchamp participated very much in the “malaise with religion” when he admitted to being “a défroqué of art.”

The Extinction of the Christian Body

Such ambivalence touches the heart of the problem with art, work and creativity in the 20th century as they became the approximate substitutes for what was sacred in religious times. Art, in modern society, is the means of religion. It’s the thing people listen to, but did we account for what this was signifying, if art was itself taking part in the failure of the sacer? It’s become common with young artists to use in their work blood, saliva, hair, and what Plato designated the most vile in man, also nasal secretions, excrement, sanie, pus. The use of the wound (Gina Pane), the manipulation of blood (Journiac, Hermann Nitsch), the experience of pain and self-mutilation (Schwarzkogler, Orlan), experimentation with risk (Chris Burden), and in more recent work, a return to the urolagnie, to the coprophilie (Andrès Serrano). In the beginning, never would artwork have been so derisive, never would it have linked itself with the scatological, the soiled and malodorous (108).

But never – and this fact is extremely significant – would it have been set apart by the powers of the people from timid attempts at resistance, so much applauded, celebrated, encouraged (109).
Everything has happened as if the public exhibition of excremental works will, from now on, outlive the social body (110).
Everything has happened as if the cohesion of the socius, now impossible to maintain either in religion or in traditional art, is from this point forward, in the public manifestation of an accepted and celebrated scatology under the name of art, in fact, in the name of an archaic and violent sacer, the display of life stripped of its organs, a pure state of physiology, a sort of generalized affirmation of biological waste.

We seem to live at a time when the Christian body (111) is becoming extinct and while this body, in the domain of science, becomes the terrain of all experience, of all plasticity, of all hybridization, and of all disintegration. We no longer know if we’re dealing with the living dead (in the case of the embryo) or the dead-living (in the case of the comatose, artificially kept alive). Contemporary art affirms the extinction and, in experimentation in this manner with such and such fragments of the new body which science proposes, reinvents a bloody and horrible ritual, approximating primitive sacrifices on which religion was established. In the general collapse of canons and normalcy, it seems that the body has become the immediate reference to creation. It’s also the ultimate form of infantile regression, when all social taboos, little by little forged by the repression of instincts, which is to say by culture, have been lifted. The contemporary artist refers to his own body and in particular to the productions of his body that are exrecta, as if they were immediate proof of his existence, following the example of the infant who finds in his own body the first frontiers of his identity. An esthetic of the stigmatized stercoraire like art at the turn of this century, in the same way that an esthetic of the quintessential marked the end of the last century. As its heir, Duchamp would have been responsible for it.

The phantasmagoria that he engraved in the Bride of the Large Glass, a new and incredible organism, with her organs stripped bare, skinned, turned inside out and like bursts in four-dimensional space, thus anticipate very well the affect of the new post-Christian body which is now affirmed at the end of the century. The urinal will have confirmed, as its symbolic role, not in accelerating the manufactured object to the rank of art, or in consecrating, according to Benjamin, the loss of the aura of the work, but even more radical, in bringing about a return to the archaic sacrifice of waste and the childish veneration of stercus. As for the motive behind The Bride Stripped Bare, did not Duchamp attempt to throw the spectator towards a religious interpretation, in recalling that the stripped was first associated with Christ, whose clothes were stripped before his crucifixion? To Alfred Barr who asked him, after the war in 1945, if by chance the Bride of the Large Glass had something to say about the assumption of the Virgin, Duchamp responded no, but advanced on the other hand that the expression “stripped bare” could have well referred to the station of the cross where the clothes of Christ were torn off. Fourteen years later, in an interview with the BBC, on September 14, 1959, he would return to this theme ne varietur.

“The stripped bare,” he would say, “probably had even a naughty connotation with Christ. You know that Christ was stripped bare, and it was a naughty form of introducing eroticism and religion…” The Bride Stripped Bare,sarcastic parody of the Christian ritual, was directly establishing the ritual which we now face.

We will be able to say that there where neither religion nor traditional art can any longer guarantee the “cultural” existence of the body (the social body as much as civil society), the fin de siècle state has manifested into an absolute bipartisan power that needs contemporary scatological art in order to find esthetic and moral legitimization in the sacrificial practice as we know it. We’re no longer dealing with a Christian redemption founded on the primitive death of the Father but a sacer per nefas that is exercised upon the naked body of every citizen.

Wasn’t such ambiguity already at the heart, divinely demonic, of Marcel Duchamp’s method? The urinal, in his time, was never exhibited. And there were Duchamp’s own colleagues, artists, who opposed its participation in an exhibition. It’s in revenge then, that the state of today, with its ministers, representatives, deputies, and officers who test the obscure need, no more violent than horrible, the sordid, the excremental, like extreme incarnations of a necessary sacer to hold society together,must be ritually presented.

Contemporary art, as exultation of waste and horror, became thus the post-modern liturgy of a society in quest of a new bond with the sacratio, a re-ligio in the proper sense. The acedia of the young idle dandy that Duchamp was at the beginning of the century is then shed, like in the melancholy ceremony, in the “black” mass, the religiosity “à rebours” of a des Esseintes who pretended to change the lead, of the saturnine individual that he was, into gold, into a sordid operation where the alchemist’s kiln, in the form of a urinal, became emblematic of today’s art, and transformed the gold of the spirit evermore into lead.

Duchamp the Apostle

To review the analyses of Marcel Gauchet, we see that a double standard seems to stand out during the course of the century in that he calls Duchamp’s process a way out of religion. And Duchamp was present at the beginning of both of these restructurings. The first time, around 1900, between the last decade of the last century and the first decade of ours, a premiere displacement began rebuilding religion outside of religion. Estheticism as the ersatz of religion and the will of the avant-garde to rebel as a messianic project then played this role of transfer. The second time – which we carry on today – would be the installation of a religious without religion (112).

The turn of the century, we’ve seen, participated in a grand moment of occultism and “physical research.” This, which was formally regarded as the supernatural, phantom-like apparitions, miracles, revelations, was from then on indebted to the pursuit of science in piercing “the invisible.”If the ancient religious bond with the world had expired, the belief in the powers of the beyond didn’t just go out the door, since artists and intellectuals, physicians and poets, every explorer of the psychic realm grew to celebrate these powers. And every member of the avant-garde of the time, from Kandinsky and the those in Munich to Mondrian, from Malevitch to Kupka – this avant-garde that Duchamp, with his associations, his friendships, his readings and his trips confirm – participated in this religious science, fearful of optimism and the lay ideal for a better society, but no less swept over with the belief in the dimension of revelation. This dimension – for the ease, let’s say, in occurrence, “symbolism” and “decadence,” in their two contradictory but indissolubly bonded facets that are a modernizing or socializing symbolism that dreams of a better society, and a satanic symbolism, or “diabolic nature,” like the opposite of symbolism, that wants an apocalypse and is fascinated by the fall of man – this in any case is the belief that art possess in itself a dimension of “unveiling” (to use the term of Schuré, Péladan and Blavatsky for the many “initiates”) that compels its supporters to become the magi or, as Duchamp would say, the “mediums.”

Thus, after 1923, came a time of disillusion and apathy. Duchamp défroqué. Duchamp idle. Duchamp the chess player. Duchamp the prophet of contemporary art. Duchamp the genius of American art. This other Duchamp, who spent his life commentating on his first gestures and giving them an often confusing meaning, at the last minute announced, in the 1960s, a second construction that had been underway beneath our very eyes during his last years: the installation of a religious without religion. The secular religion of art emptied of substance, extinguishing the faith in its transcendental powers of knowledge, abolishing in consequence the ideology of the avant-garde, is replaced with a religiosity without religion, which no more tests the need for an objectification of its belief but is contented with individual manifestations, idiotic configurations, self-celebrations, micro-experiences without validation, without sanction, without a church – other than the benediction of a State which, we’ve seen, was finally taken into account.

But had Duchamp wished for such evolution? Would he have accepted it? He had painted, in Munich, a tableau, Bride, which is in every respect his masterpiece. The chromatic finesse of the grays and the ochre, the declination of the reds and the greens, a lesson in anatomy without precedent, without posterity, makes this icon of cubism, irreducible to the things common to cubists, a work of infinite charm which placed Duchamp right away in the ranks of the great masters. He had established his supremacy.

Now, when he abandoned painting and decided to plunge himself into the sterility of the window of the Large Glass, was it a rebellion of dés mallarméen, the dizziness of a virgin in the Hérodiade? Abandoning the toil, its warmth, suppleness, and its organic life, abandoning the pigments and their bond with the earth, he chose the materials of a laboratory, the glass of test-tubes and vials. For a long time, crazy with powerlessness, he said he only bread dust, like others, and in the base of petri dishes, grew colonies of protozoa. The culture of melancholia. And it was lead, the metal of Saturn, that he chose for creating shapes and it was minium that he chose for covering surfaces, an oxide of lead, a preservative but also a preparation for color to come and which wouldn’t come, an under-layer for a coat never to be found. Could one, more lucidly, more painfully, more cynically, choose the power of gray against the green of the tree of life and, in accordance with this theoria, with this intellectual view, this morose speculation, the preeminence of the practical and experience over the senses, sign a pact with the devil that thousands of lost children would sign after?


Notes

Footnote Return * Tr. The French word for failure is “échec” and the expression “jouer aux échecs” means “to play chess.” Considering that Duchamp gave up art for chess, he must have appreciated the lexical link. My thanks to Lyn Merrington for pointing this out.

Footnote Return 1.It produced a publication in four volumes, under a green, lightweight felt cover: L’Œuvre de Marcel Duchamp, vol. 1 – Catalogue Raisonné, vol. 2 – Chronologie, vol. 3 –Abécédaire, Approches critiques, vol. 4 –Victor, a novel by H-P Roché. Paris: Centre National d’art et culture Georges-Pompidou, 1977.

Footnote Return 2.See the account by André Chastel, “L’au-delà de la peinture de Marcel Duchamp” in L’Image dans le miroir. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1980. p. 377.

Footnote Return 3.Hannah Arendt. Les Origines du totalinarianisme – Le Système totalitaire. Paris. Éditions du Seuil, 1972. p. 53.

Footnote Return 4.Ibid.

Footnote Return 5.Hans Magnus Enzensberger. “Culture de haine, médias en transes” in Vues sur la guerre civile. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1995. p. 123-135.

Footnote Return 6.Frank J. Sulloway. Born to Rebel. Birth Order, Family Dynamics and Creative Lives. New York: Random House, 1996. Introduction, p. XIV.

Footnote Return 7.It was between 1910 and 1925 that the Stirner doctrine spread, mainly in the lower classes, in Germany and Italy. Ardently individualistic and egotistical, it clashed with the collective anarchism of Bakounine, at the same time that it shared in a hatred for the State.

Footnote Return 8.See the letter from Marcel Duchamp to his sister Suzanne, March 15, 1912. Letter graciously supplied by Hector Obalk.

Footnote Return 9.One evening that Duchamp put on a happy front, reported Robert Lebel, Man Ray addressed him with this remark: “Mais non, tu es triste, tu l’es depuis toujours…” [But no, you’re sad, you’ve always been sad…“]Robert Lebel. “Dernière soirée avec Marcel Duchamp” in L’Œil. November 1968, no. 167. P. 19.

Footnote Return 10.Marc Fumaroli. Introduction to Huysman’s À rebours. Paris: Gallimard, 1977. p. 27.

Footnote Return 11.Henri-Pierre Roché. Victor, in L’Œuvre de Marcel Duchamp, catalog for the exhibition, volume IV, produced by Danielle Régnier-Bohler. Paris: Centre Georges Pompidou, 1977. Chapter XVIII, “Le Travail de Victor.”

Footnote Return 12.To Brian O’Doherty, at the time of a visit to the University Medical Center in New York. April 4, 1966.

Footnote Return 13.Henri-Pierre Roché, op. Cit.

Footnote Return 14.Note, from the Boîte de 1914.

Footnote Return 15.In Littérature, no. 5, V.

Footnote Return 16.Certain erotic episodes of Marcel Duchamp in New York, as a young man, as they were recorded by Roché in his Carnets, reveal a feminine nature, very pronounced. Even from the final party between Duchamp, Roché and Louise Norton on April 18, 1917.

Footnote Return 17.Michel Carrouges. Les Machines célibataires. Paris: Éditions Arcanes, 1954.

Footnote Return 18.Joris-Karl Huysmans. À rebours [Tr. Against the Grain], op. cit., p. 104.

Footnote Return 19.See Günter Metken. “De l’homme-Machine à la Machine-Homme. Anthropomorphie de la machine au XIX siècle” in Jean Clair and Harald Szeeman’s Les Machines célibataires, exhibition catalog. Venice: Alfieri, 1975. p. 50.

Footnote Return 20.See p. 169, the chapter “Métaphores automobiles.”

Footnote Return 21.Joris-Karl Huysmans, op. cit., pp. 279-280.

Footnote Return 22.Unpublished letter (in English) to the Arensbergs, dated July 25, 1951, cited in the L’Œuvre de Marcel Duchamp, exhibition catalog, op.cit., vol 1, p. 34.

Footnote Return 23.”Selon toutes apparences, l’artiste agit comme un être médiumnique qui, du labyrinthe par-delà le temps et l’espace, cherche son chemin vers une clairière.”

Footnote Return 24.Gason de Pawlowski. Voyage au pays de la quatrième dimension. Paris, 1912. Republished in 1924.

Footnote Return 25.Jean Clair. Marcel Duchamp ou le Grand Fictif. Paris: Éditions Galilée, 1975.

Footnote Return 26.Paul Matisse. Marcel Duchamp, Notes. With a preface by Pontus Hulten. Paris: Centre Georges Pompidou, 1980.

Footnote Return 27.Henri Poincaré contrasted simple visual space of two dimensions with tactile space, similar to what a finger can trace in different positions and which would have three dimensions.

Footnote Return 28.Jean Suquet. Le Grand Verre rêve. Paris: Éditions Aubier, 1991.

Footnote Return 29.Multidimensional mathematics have engendered a specific literary vein, to be sure. Besides Pawlowski, there’s H. G. Wells in The Time Machine, Apollinaire in Le Roi Lune, or still later, Maeterlinck, who, in La Vie de l’espace, in 1928, devoted an entire chapter to the fourth dimension.

Footnote Return 30.John Dee. Four Space a Forgotten Dimension of the Mind. Cumbria: LYC Museum, 1977.

Footnote Return 31.Linda D. Henderson. Duchamp in Context, Science and Technology in the Large Glass and Related Works. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998.

Footnote Return 32.Rhonda Roland Shearer. “Marcel Duchamp’s Impossible Bed and Other “Not” Ready-made Objects: A possible route of influence from art to science” in Art &

Academe – A Journal for the Humanities and Sciences in the Education of Artists, vol. X, nos. 1, 2. Autumn 1997 and 1998.

Footnote Return 33.Ulf Linde. Marcel Duchamp. Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren, 1986.

Footnote Return 34.Ulf Linde. “La roue de bicyclette” in Abécédaire, L’Œuvre de Marcel Duchamp, exhibition catalog. Paris: Centre Georges Pompidou, 1977. Vol. 3, p. 37.

Footnote Return 35.See note 65.

Footnote Return 36.The Bottle Dryer, at first glance the most “found” and the most trivial of the ready-mades, is in fact, for someone who would ignore the use of it, an object with a very intriguing aspect. Far from satisfying the principal of indifference dear to Duchamp, it forces one’s attention and isn’t short of reminding us, through a succession of circles, one after the other, fraught with stings, of some objects used in religious rituals. Furthermore, it bore an inscription erased and forgottenss that “had colored” it.

Footnote Return 37.Hector Obalk. The Unfindable Ready-Made. Boston: College of Art Association, February 1996. It appears in French in the Cahiers du musée national d’Art moderne.

Footnote Return 38.Camille Flammarion. L’Inconnu et les problèmes psychiques. [Tr. The Unknown.] Paris: Éditions Flammarion, n.d.

Footnote Return 39.De Rochas. Le Fluide des magnétiseurs. Précis des expéeriences du baron de Reichenbach sur ses proprétés physiques et physiologiques. Paris: Éditions Georges Carré, 1891.

Footnote Return 40.It was between 1888 and 1914 that Albert Londe undertook to write the Nouvelle Iconogarphie de la Salpêtrière.

Footnote Return 41.Röntgen. Eine neue Art von Strahlen. Würzburg, 1895.

Footnote Return 42.Léon Denis. Dans L’invisible: spiritisme et médiumnité. Paris, 1904.

Footnote Return 43.Joris-Karl Huysmans. À rebours, op. cit., p. 312.

Footnote Return 44.One recalls that the most ferocious critic of this phenomenon who, born in the quietest Anglo-Saxon age of empiricism, had acquired the most dubious mysticism, was none other than Friedrich Engels. In the Dialectique de la Nature, he talks of the same spiritual plan as William Crookes who improved the laboratory’s experimentation with phantasmagoria, and the approach of Zöllner, mathematician who “discovered that a lot of things that are impossible in a space of three dimensions come suddenly into being in a space of four dimensions […]. The spirits prove the existence of the four dimension, at the same time the fourth dimension guarantees the existence of the spirits.” An interesting point of the criticism of Engels, which concerns Duchamp and his desirable four-dimensional Bride, brings about the inevitable material quality of these spirits “who breathe, are fertile, have lungs, a heart, and an apparent circulatory system and body […] and, like the most of these spirits are young women of a marvelous beauty who are neither distinguishable nor from nothing, all these maidens of the earth, according to their supernatural beauty, how could they miss being ‘for men who resent love’ […] In the same way the fourth dimension opens itself up to natural selection, a dimension where it will never have to fear being confused with the cruel social democrat.” (Friedrich Engels. “La science de la nature dans le monde des esprits” in Dialectique de la nature. Paris: Éditions Sociales, 1975, p. 57sq.)

Footnote Return 45.Hippolyte Baraduc. L’Âme humaine, ses mouvements, ses lumières, et l’iconographie de l’invisible fluidique. Paris: Éditions Ollendorf, 1896.

Footnote Return 46.A sizable exception, however: Henri-Pierre Roché, in 1907, in the company of Franz Hessel, sojourned in the Bavarian capital. He would visit la bohème of Schwabing, the capricious comtesse Franziska von Reventlow.

Footnote Return 47.The registry of police says, though, that he wouldn’t have left Vienna before May 1913.

Footnote Return 48.See Ian Kershaw. Hitler 1889 – 1936. Paris: Éditions Flammarion, p. 141.

Footnote Return 49.See Rudolf Herz. Hoffmann und Hitler. Fotografie als Medium des Führer-Mythos. Munich: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1994.

Footnote Return 50.John Toland. Hitler. Paris: Laffont, 1983. p. 211.

Footnote Return 51.See V. Loers and P. Witsmann. Okkultismus und Avant-Garde – Von Munch bis Mondrian, 1900-1915. Frankfort: Schirn Kunsthalle, 1995. p. 238 – 241.

Footnote Return 52.Joseph Beuys posseded the whole of his writings, must be a hundred volumes.

Footnote Return 53.Unpublished document, graciously supplied by Hector Obalk.

Footnote Return 54.Taken from the last chapter in this book, under the title, “La boîte magique.”

Footnote Return 55.Maurice Tuchman (under direction of). The Spiritual in Art: Abstract Painting 1890 – 1985I. New York: Abbeville Press, 1987.

Footnote Return 56.Okkultismus und Avant-Garde, op. cit.

Footnote Return 57.Among the most recent works, one will notice: Rolf H. Krauss, Jenseits von Licht und Schatten. Die Rolle der Photographie bei bestimmten paranormalen Phänomenen. Ein historischer Abriss. Marbourg: Jonas Verlag, n.d.; Andreas Fischer and Veit Loers, Im Reich der Phantome – Fotografie des Unsichtbaren, exhibition catalog, Cantz, 1997; Angela Schneider and Joachim Jäger, Geist und Materie – Das XX. Jarhrhundert, ein Jarhundert Kunst in Deutschland exhibition catalog, Berlin, 1999: And last, appropriate to the influence from the science-related photographs and spirit photos of Edvard Munch, Arne Eggum, Munch and Photography,Yale University Press, 1989. Etc.

Footnote Return 58.Louis Farigoule (alias Jules Romains). La Vision extra-rétinienne et le sens paroptique. Recherches de psychophysiologie expérimentale et de physiologie histologique. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1919.

Footnote Return 59.Ibid.,p. 39.

Footnote Return 60.Ibid.,p. 140.

Footnote Return 61.Jules Romains. Les Hommes de bonne volonté, chapter XVI. “Les créateurs.” Paris: Éditions Robert Laffont, “Bouquins” collection, 1985. p. 848.

Footnote Return 62.[Translation of title: “Chance, its laws and its consequences in the sciences and in philosophy, followed by an essay on the metempsychosis based on the principles of biology and physiological magnetism.”]A first edition of the book appeared in 1890 under the title of Esquisse d’un système de la nature fondé sur la loi du hasard. A revised edition, published in 1909, was owned by Duchamp.

Footnote Return 63. David Gascoyne, born in London in 1916, was the introducer of surrealism in Great Britain and himself a great surrealist poet. Established in Paris in 1932, he translated Péret, Unik, Tzara, Dali, Qu’est-ce que le Surréalisme? by André Breton, and wrote his own Premier Manifest anglais du surréalisme that was published in 1935 by Les Cahiers d’art. The following year, he organized in June, in London, the international exhibition on surrealism. He was all these years a close friend with Duchamp before turning his back on surrealism and engaging himself in a spirituality spurred by the readings of Kierkegaard, Chestov, and Benjamin Fondane.

Footnote Return 64.Dominique Chateau.Duchamp et Duchamp. Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999.

Footnote Return 65. We know, for example, that the bird cage of Why not Sneeze? contains, in its original version, hidden under the blocks of marble, two cups of porcelain in the shape of a cone (the moules mâlics having themselves been designed from cone-like shapes, as Linde would show), a reservoir of grain and a reservoir of water, that was strictly the same theme as the two grindstones of the Broyeuse de chocolat. In the replicas made by Schwarz, this particular volumetric was evidently not respected.

Footnote Return 66. Interview with Katharine Kuh, “MD,” March 29, 1961, in K. Kuh’s The Artist’s Voice with seventeen artists. New York and Evanston: Harper & Row, 1962. p. 81-93.

Footnote Return 67. Linde, with his intuition, made it happen such that La Grande Fortune by Dürer was on the cover of one of the volumes of the Duchamp catalog for the exhibition of 1977 at the Centre Georges Pompidou.

Footnote Return 68.Remember that [the French word for Chance], “Hasard,” written “hasart,” only first appeared in the 17th century, taken from an arabic word that meant the game of dice. The sliding of its sense towards “le coup heureux dans un jeu de dés” [the happy roll in a game of dice], the happy chance, is going to replace its current sense of risk, chance, luck. (See Émile Littré. Pathologie verbale ou lésion de certains mots dans le course de l’usage, Paris, 1986, p. 53).

Footnote Return 69.Jean Clair. “Duchamp, Léonard et la tradition maniériste” in Colloque Duchamp. Paris: U..G.E., 1979, p. 117. Taken from chapter IV in this book, entitled “Spectacula paradoxa rerum.”

Footnote Return 70. Cited by André Chastel, “Léonard et la pensée artistique du XX siècle” in Fables, formes, figures. Paris: Éditions Flammarion, 1978. Vol. 11, p. 267.

Footnote Return 71. Discussion with Alfred Barr on December 21, 1945. Cited by J. Gough-Cooper and Jacques Caumont. Marcel Duchamp, exhibition catalog. Milan: Bompiani, 1993.

Footnote Return 72.LaBoîte de 1914.

Footnote Return 73.André Chastel. L’Illustre incomprise. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1988, p. 51.

Footnote Return 74.Pierre Lartique was the first, to my knowledge, to raise this anomaly. He must be thankful.

Footnote Return 75.Pierre Guiraud, in his Dictionnaire érotique, gives the word moniche [vagina] the etymology of moune, female monkey. Let’s add to this the old existing French term of mine in order to explain the mop of hair (of a cat, a mine [pussycat]), which was substituted in the popular expression “faire minette” which is to say, cunnilingus.

Footnote Return 76.Today, “le barbu” [“bearded man”], dear to Annette Messager, is the feminine sex.

Footnote Return 77.Abécédaire,op. cit., p. 52 sq. Taken from chapter V in this book, entitled “Moules femâlics.”

Footnote Return 78.It was the same action of modification that began L’Objet-Dard, otherwise incomprehensible.

Footnote Return 79.Hector Obalk is the only one, to my knowledge, to have remarked upon this exception.

Footnote Return 80.With the ancient legend of the Hatvany collection, in the museum of Beaux-Arts in Budapest.

Footnote Return 81.Ferenczi. Thalassa, psychanalyse des origines de la vie sexuelle, 1928.

Footnote Return 82.Thomas Laqueur. Making Sex. Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud. Harvard, 1990. French translation: La Fabrique du sexe. Essai sur le corps et le genre en Occident. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1992.

Footnote Return 83.Ulf Linde was the first, as of 1977, to draw attention to Gourmont.

Footnote Return 84.Cited by Remy de Gourmont. La Physique de l’amour. Paris: Éditions Georges Crès, 1917. p. 77-78.

Footnote Return 85.It remains well known, the entire problem of material realization of such a molding. We would be able instead to speak of a “collapsible approximation,” to the same degree that we can of the Objet-Dard, in fact, having served the function of supporting the arms of the Étant donnés.

Footnote Return 86.Remy de Gourmont, op. cit., p. 79.

Footnote Return 87.Published in View, special number on Marcel Duchamp, V, no. 1.

Footnote Return 88.Jules Romains. “Strigelius applique sa méthode,” Les Hommes de bonne volonté, op. cit., p. 835.

Footnote Return 89.Ibid.,p.827.

Footnote Return 90.See Raymond Roussel. Comment j’ai écrit certains de mes livres. Paris: Lemerre, 1935.

Footnote Return 91.Paul Valéry. Preface to “La soirée avec Monsieur Teste,” Monsieur Teste. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1946. p. 7.

Footnote Return 92.Ibid.,p. 8

Footnote Return 93.Ibid.,p. 11-12.

Footnote Return 94.Cited by J. Gough-Cooper and Jacques Caumont, Marcel Duchamp, op. Cit., p. 108. In two reappraisals, at least, other than this manuscript, Duchamp would explain his state of being “défroqué.” The first time, in 1959, to G. H. Hamilton, he confided, “It’s true that I really was very much of a Cartesian défroqué – because I was very pleased by the so-called pleasure of using Cartesianism as a form of thinking, logic and very close mathematical thinking.” (Interview with the BBC, in London, September 14-22, 1959.) Such confidence confirms our analyzed notion of a Duchamp as prospector, spiritual son of the Minimes and of the father Athanasius Kircher (see the chapter “Thaumaturgus opticus”). A second time, in 1966, he confided in the critic Pierre Cabanne that, “Depuis quarante ans que je n’ai pas touchéun pinceau ou un crayon, j’ai été vraiment défroqué au sens religieux du mot…” (Entretiens avec P. Cabanne, “Je suis un défroqué” in Arts-Loisirs, Paris, no. 35, May 25 – 31, 1966, p. 16-17.)

Footnote Return 95.Cited by Pierre de Massot, The Wonderful Book, 1924.

Footnote Return 96.From a seeming sarcasm, under the same influence as a sacer that Caillois was going to define in 1939 (see note 106), Georges Bataille, in Le Bleu du ciel, établira l’équation: “Uriner: buriner.”

Footnote Return 97.Op.cit., note 14.

Footnote Return 98.The surrealist tradition, Michel Leiris for example, in L’Âge d’homme, found pleasure in treating a museum like a brothel.

Footnote Return 99.We certainly hear “culture” in a traditional sense of “the particular form of a civilization owing to its people.” (Littré.) The pulverization of the concept in expressions like “consumer culture,” “rap culture,” or “media culture” make it lose all of its meaning.

Footnote Return 100.”Und bleibt ein Erdenrest zu tragen peinlch…” (Goethe, The Second Faust.)

Footnote Return 101.Freud. Le Malaise dans la culture (1930)[Tr. Civilisation and Its Discontents], Œuvres complètes, XVIII. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1994.

Footnote Return 102.Cited in André Breton’s, Anthologie de l’humour noir. Paris: Éditions du Sagittaire, 1940. p. 225.

Footnote Return 103.Freud., op. cit., p. 37, note 3.

Footnote Return 104.Ibid., p. 103.

Footnote Return 105.Ibid., p. 25 sq.

Footnote Return 106.For example, in these three fundamental works from the turn of the century: Hubert et Mauss, Essai sur le sacrifice, 1899; Émile Durkheim, Les Formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse, 1912; Rudolf Otto, Das Heilige. Ueber das Irrationale in der Idee des Göttlichen und sien Verhältnis zum Rationalen, 1917; Le Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine of Ernout and Meillet, in 1932, again, established that the notion of sacer “designates this or what can’t be touched without being soiled or without soiling; from there the double sense of ‘holy’ or ‘damned'” (p. 586). Roger Caillois, in L’homme et le sacré, in 1939, belatedly therefore will take into account this definition.

Footnote Return 107.Girogio Agamben. Homo sacer. Le pouvoir souverain et la vie nue. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1977, p. 85 sq.

Footnote Return 108.If Duchamp used his stubble in the plaster mold With my Tongue in my Cheek, or even his own sperm for an homage to the Brazilian sculptor Maria Martins, he wasn’t going to go as far as using what came out of his nose like the French Pierrick Sorin, celebrated in every manifestation of contemporary art in his country and beyond, neither would he use his excrement like the artist Chris Ofili (Turner Prize 1998).

Footnote Return 109.For example, one will cite the enormous success brought in by the exhibition Sensations, put up at the Royal Academy of London in 1998, or its equivalent, put up at the Brooklyn Museum of New York in 1999, announced by a spread of advertisements from the department of health, where one could have read: “The contents of this exhibition may cause shock, vomiting, confusion, panic, euphoria, and anxiety. If you suffer from high blood pressure, a nervous disorder, or palpitations, you should consult your doctor before viewing this exhibition.”

Footnote Return 110.The Turner Prize of 1999, a prize of two hundred thousand francs, was given to the artist Tracy Ermin for her own bed, stained in urine, covered in used condoms, pregnancy tests, dirty underwear, and bottles of vodka, the bed where she would have spent a week in a state of depression leading to a breakdown.

Footnote Return 111.In the sense that Jean-Louis Schefer gave to this expression in his Invention du corps chrétien (Paris, Éditions Galileé, 1975)

Footnote Return 112.Marcel Gauchet. “L’inconscient en redéfinition,” Essai de psychologie contemporaine, in Le Débat, no. 100, May-June 1998, p. 200 sq.




Duchamp Bottles Belle Greene: Just Desserts For His Canning

“There are many people who may have contemplated the treasures of the Morgan Library without ever meeting personally its erstwhile director, Belle da Costa Greene. But no one there could have been unaware of her taste, her intelligence, her dynamism. For it was Miss Greene who transformed a rich man’s casually built collection into one that ranks with the greatest in the world.”
Aline B. Louchheim
New York Times,
April 17, 1949

“Duchamp was apparently paid by the Morgan Library through Belle Greene, and this somewhat unusual arrangement took care of his financial needs for the next two years.”
Calvin Tomkins
Marcel Duchamp, A Biography, p. 155


click to enlarge
Belle Haleine: Eau de voiletteBelle Haleine: Eau de voilette
Illustration 1
Marcel Duchamp,Belle Haleine: Eau de voilette, 1921
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

The sound of Belle Greene’s name brings to mind a recent unpublished fact about Duchamp’s Belle Haleine: Eau de Voilette(1921), an assisted readymade using a Rigaud perfume bottle with an altered label. The label features a Man Ray photograph of Duchamp dressed as a woman. It reads “Belle Haleine: Eau de Voilette” [Beautiful Breath, Veil Water], and Duchamp signed the accompanying perfume box “Rrose Sélavy.”(See Illustration 1)

Recently, Rhonda Roland Shearer discovered that Duchamp altered the perfume bottle,(1)by changing the bottle’s original peach color to green — and it is important to note that peach was the only color ever used for Un Air Embaumé, the particular Rigaud perfume that Duchamp appropriated. (See Illustrations 2A of the standard Rigaud bottle color with box. In illustration 2B, the tint has been washed off a Rigaud bottle with water, leaving clear glass.
click images to enlarge

  • Rigaud perfume bottle
    Illustration 2
    Rigaud perfume bottle
    (before wash off)
  • Box for Rigaud perfume bottle
    Illustration 2A
    Box for Rigaud perfume bottle
  • Clear glass Rigaud bottle after washing
with water
    Illustration 2B
    Clear glass Rigaud bottle after washing
    with water (Note: Rigaud changed the box and bottle label in later
    designs but still kept the peach tinted bottle.)

Shearer notes, “By looking carefully at Duchamp’s green bottle, one will see peach color remaining in the cracks at the bottle’s bottom.”) Furthermore, Shearer noticed that Duchamp depicted the color of his green bottle as red in New York Dada (1921) and that the bottle later appears in the original peach color in The Box in a Valise (1941). (See Illustrations 3A, B, and C)

Duchamp changed the color of the perfume bottle, a fact that no one noticed even after it was first exhibited in 1965. (2) In addition, any degree of underlying meaning or ironic suggestion intended
by passing a common readymade peach-colored bottle for green likewise remained unknown. What new relationships could emerge when considering this new information of Duchamp’s green colored bottle actually having a peach past?

click images to enlarge

  • Belle
Haleine: Eau de voilette
    Illustration 3A
    Marcel Duchamp,Belle
    Haleine: Eau de voilette
    , 1921
    © 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Cover for
“New York Dada”
    Illustration 3B
    Marcel Duchamp, Cover for
    “New York Dada”
    , 1921
    © 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • 
The Box in a Valise
    Illustration 3C
    Marcel Duchamp, Original peach from
    The Box in a Valise, 1941
    © 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

While reading a short passage about Belle da Costa Greene and Duchamp, I began combining this new information with Duchamp’s propensity to play with sounds and meaning. (3) The action of dying the bottle and the resulting color was, for me, a path to Belle Greene: Bottle Dye Color
Green, Belle Da Costa Greene. My curiosity was piqued. I wondered if Belle da Costa Greene was Duchamp’s inspiration for the mysterious artwork Belle Haleine.


click to enlarge
Marcel duchamp
as Belle HaleineMarcel duchamp
as Rrose Sèlavy
Illustration 4A
Marcel Duchamp,Marcel duchamp
as Belle Haleine
, 1921
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
Illustration 4B
Marcel Duchamp,Marcel duchamp
as Rrose Sèlavy
, 1921
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Duchamp signs this work “Rrose Sélavy.” Yet the picture of Duchamp dressed as a woman on the perfume bottle label that he designed and printed is distinctly different from later photographs of Duchamp passing as Rrose. (See Illustrations 4A and B depicting the two Rrose Sélavy versions.) Perhaps Duchamp was passing as Rrose passing as Belle Haleine passing as Belle Greene. That is, did the photograph on the label contain clues that pertained to Belle Greene? Duchamp draws our focus to the letter ‘r’ as it is the only letter he draws in mirror reverse. (See Illustration 5).
Moreover,

click to enlarge
Label forBelle
Haleine: Eau de voilette
Illustration 5
Marcel Duchamp,Label forBelle
Haleine: Eau de voilette
,1921
©2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Moreover,our attention is further directed to the letter ‘r’ because it is one of the first times, here on this Belle Haleine work, that Duchamp signs Rose as Rrose, adding a second ‘r’.
(4) Would this change in spelling, and the addition of a second ‘r’, also relate to Belle Greene?

First, who was Belle da Costa Greene? (see Illustration 6) Belle Greene became J.P. Morgan’s librarian in 1905, and following his death she became the director of his library, working there for a total of forty-three years. Empowered by J.P. Morgan, and then by his son Jack, Greene spent millions of dollars buying and selling rare manuscripts, books and art.


click to enlarge
 Belle de Costa Greene
Illustration 6
Photograph of Belle de Costa Greene
by Clarence White, 1911 © Archives of
the Pierpont Morgan Library,New York.

She traveled frequently and lavishly to Europe, staying at the best hotels — Claridge’s in London and the Ritz in Paris. It was even said that “on trips abroad, made on Morgan’s behalf, she would take along her thoroughbred horse, which she rode in Hyde Park.” (5) Belle Greene was described as beautiful, sensual, smart and outspoken. (Illustration 6) One author writes that “she daringly posed nude for drawings and enjoyed a Bohemian freedom.” (6) Never married, she favored affairs with rich or influential men, with a focus on art scholars. Another scholar states, “her role at the Morgan Library placed her at the center of the art trade and her friendship was coveted by every dealer.” (7)For many years, Belle Greene wielded an astounding amount of power in the art world and moved comfortably in elite social circles.

One piece of information draws an amazing parallel between Belle Greene and the color change of Duchamp’s Belle Haleine bottle. Belle Greene was a black woman who denied her color to pass herself as white. (8) Evidence indicates that whispers and rumors about her passing circulated around her throughout her life. People like Isabella Gardner, society patron of the arts with close ties to Harvard and a peer of Morgan’s, wrote that Belle Greene was a “half-breed” in a private letter (1909) to Bernard Berenson and his wife, Mary, saying, “But first you must both swear secrecy. If not, please do not read anymore of this.” (9)

Bernard Berenson, a Harvard-trained art historian, also Belle Greene’s lover and later a friend for many years, reportedly said to his next paramour that Greene was “handicapped only by her part-Negro inheritance.” (10) (As so often happens, sworn secrecy is no match for the seduction of perpetuating rumor.) Cleve Gray, translator for Duchamp’s mathematical notes and close friend of Duchamp’s brother Villon, reports that when he was a student at Princeton he visited the Morgan Library, met Belle Greene, and was aware of the rumors.(11)(Cleve Gray, being a Princeton man, was an exception, as everyone in Belle Greene’s circle seemed to be Harvard men, including Morgan himself.) Apparently, these rumors persisted even after Greene’s death. Jean Strouse’s richly-detailed, well-researched biography of Morgan is the first published account of Belle Greene that throughly investigates her background. These rumors eventually served as successful guides for Ms. Strouse’s research.(12)

click to enlarge
Richard Theodore Greener
Illustration 7
Richard Theodore Greener

In order to pass, Greene and her mother decided to change their name. (Actually, you could say that they altered their label.) They added “da Costa,” claiming to be part-Portuguese to account for their dusky appearance, a common strategy used for passing. True to the rumors, not only were they black passing for white, but Belle Greene’s father was the distinguished lawyer and public figure, Richard Theodore Greener, the first black undergraduate to receive a degree from Harvard.(13) (See Illustration 7) Jean Strouse writes that in an issue of the Harvard alumni news, Greener and his daughter, Belle Marion, are both mentioned. Obviously, being the first black graduate of Harvard would draw a lot of attention, especially since he worked in politics and wrote on controversial issues such as Irish rights. After he retired and settled in Chicago in 1908, he continued to write on these topics and was a member of the Harvard Club. (The Harvard connection for Duchamp began with Walter Arensberg, a Harvard graduate who was Duchamp’s host when he first arrived in New York in 1915. Arensburg immediately included Duchamp in a group of Harvard alumni chess players and soon became his great patron.) (14)

In order to further distance themselves from the famous African American Richard Greener, Belle and her mother dropped the ‘r’ from their last name. (15) When passing for a woman, Duchamp absurdly adds an ‘r’ to become Rrose Sélavy, whereas for Belle Greener, to pass as a white, she drops the ‘r’from Greener. Is there a connection?

In 1921, Duchamp chose to change the spelling of Rose Sélavy to Rrose Sélavy, resulting in our attention being drawn not only to the added ‘r’ but also to the act and idea of an absurd change in spelling itself. (16)
Fundamentally, the choice of adding or subtracting the ‘r’ of her last name was the critical move that determined whether or not Greene lived in a white (Belle Greene) or a black (Belle Greener) world.

A summary of the factual analogies and reversals connecting Duchamp’s Belle Haleine to Belle Greene are as follows:
· Duchamp is a man passing as a woman.
· Belle Greene is a black woman passing as white.
· The commonly-sold Rigaud peach-colored bottle is passing as green-colored.
· Belle’s lover, Bernard Berenson, was (famously) a Jew passing as a Christian(17)
· Belle Greener dropped the last letter — an ‘r’ — of her name (a label), whereas, Duchamp, as Rose Sélavy, absurdly adds a first letter — an ‘r’– to her label.


click to enlarge
PearBelle-Hélène
Illustration 8
PearBelle-Hélène

Looking at the full title of this work, Belle Haleine: Eau de Voilette, more connections emerge. If we combine literal translations and the sound of the title, we get Eau de Voilette, which means “veiled waters.” “Da Costa” also means “the coast” (along the water). In effect, Belle used da Costa, the coast along the water, to veil, mask or conceal her identity. Belle Haleine also sounds like Belle Hélène, the classic French dessert whose basic ingredient is a chocolate-covered pear..(18) (See Illustration 8) A chocolate-covered, shapely pear reflects an image of “the beautiful slim-waisted sensual figure”(19)of Belle Greene. To our list of analogies and reversals, we can add a peeled, white pear (previously green-skinned) passing as chocolate. Belle Hélène, the dessert, works now in reverse, a white (pear) passing for black (chocolate), or if you prefer, a pair (Belle Greene and a pear) both dipped in chocolate.

As previously mentioned, we see an image of Duchamp dressed as Rrose Sélavy on the label of the perfume bottle. The box for the perfume carries her signature. The difference between the Belle Haleine version of Rrose Sélavy and later ones is striking (for comparison, see the Man Ray photographs previously illustrated). Rrose Sélavy (on Belle Haleine) wears what looks like pearls, a fancy hat, a grand collar on her dress, lots of make-up and a haunting, stern look. Pearls, in 1921,were a very expensive status symbol. Beautiful pearls were five to ten times more expensive than they are today. The pearls, the hat, the look of this Rrose on the label of Belle Haleine reflect wealth. The second version of Rrose, depicted in the Man Ray portraits, has a contemporary, youthful hat, no pearls, a coat with a coquettish fur collar and similarly coquettish facial expression. (Duchamp inscribed a note on one of the photographs of this second version of Rrose, “Hat and hands [belong to], Germaine Everling.” (20) See again previous illustrations). The second Rrose is much younger and more casual than the first society lady Rrose Sélavy.


click to enlarge
Belle Greene with Pearls
Illustration 9
Belle Greene with Pearls

The Rrose in Belle Haleine certainly seems to approximate the style and look of Belle Greene. The report of her stating, “just because I am a librarian doesn’t mean I have to dress like one,”(21)
did not prepare me for the descriptions of Greene at work. One scholar writes, “glamorous and heavily-perfumed, and dressed in Renaissance gowns adorned with matching jewels.”(22)Another writer states, “she always carried a large green silk handkerchief that she used for dramatic effect.”(23) Apparently Greene liked pearls, too. The author of The Book of the Pearl (1908) inscribed a copy to Belle Greene. (See Illustration 9) (24) More importantly, she was photographed wearing her long pearl necklace.(25)


click to enlarge
Marcel duchamp
as Belle HaleineBelle de Costa
Greene
Illustration 10
Marcel Duchamp,Marcel duchamp
as Belle Haleine
, 1921
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
Illustration 11
Photograph of Belle de Costa
Greene,1911

She obviously dressed to accentuate her power, glamour and access to wealth through her femininity. At other times it is reported that Belle dressed to express her power and access to wealth in a surprisingly opposite masculine style. “She would stride about in a tweed suit, throwing colorful remarks offhand over her shoulder. Or, with her jacket removed she would stand belligerently while she talked with you…” (26) (Imagine what ‘standing belligerently’ might look like and consider the severe facial expression of Rrose on the label of Belle Haleine.)(See Illustrations 10 and 11)

There is some uncertainty over which art object Duchamp first signed with the double ‘r’ (Rrose). It may have been on the perfume bottle box or on a painting Picabia invited many artists to sign, L’oeil cacodylate (1921), a Dada collaboration. However, scholars agree that the Rrose Sélavy with the extra ‘r’ was first published in Le Pilhaou-Thibaou (July 10th, 1921), the illustrated supplement of Francis Picabia’s Dada magazine 391. (See Illustration 12, Duchamp’s pun as it appeared in Le Pilhaou-Thibaou) Rrose’s signature appeared under a pun that Duchamp had originally sent to Picabia from New York, in an undated letter of January, 1921.(27)

click to enlarge
 Pun from Le Pilhaou-Thibaou
Illustration 12
Marcel Duchamp, Pun from Le Pilhaou-Thibaou
(illustrated supplement of 391), 1921

Rrose writes:
Si vous voulez une règle de grammaire: le verbe s’accorde avec le sujet consonnament: Par exemple: le nègre aigrit, les négresses s’aigrissent ou maigrissent.(28)

[“If you want a rule of grammar: The verb agrees with the subject consonantly: For Example: the Negro embitters, the Negresses become embittered and thin.”]

Significantly, we can interpret this pun as describing Belle Greene’s and her mother’s relationship to Richard Greener. The black man (Greener) has caused the black women (Belle and her mother, the former Mrs. Greener) to become hostile (bitter) and their name without the ‘r’ (thinner). See Stephen Jay Gould’s informative discussion about the relationship of this pun to Belle Greene in the text box below.

Linking Belle Greene to Duchamp’s Rule of Grammar
Stephen Jay Gould

My analysis may be judged largely conjectural here, but if the 1921 Negro pun also refers to Belle Greene’s passing, and to the dropping of the final “r” from her name, then the conjunction in meaning between this verbal play and the visual creation of Belle Haleinebecomes truly striking — and (presumably) expresses Duchamp’s anger and bitterness arising from the shame of his rejection (at least as a patron, and perhaps as more than just a friend) by this fascinating woman. Duchamp wrote to Picabia at the most relevant time of January, 1921 (and later published the statement in July of 1921), virtually contemporaneously with the Belle Haleine bottle:

Si vous voulez une règle de grammaire: le verbe s’accorde avec le sujet consonnament: Par exemple: le nègre aigrit, les négresses s’aigrissent ou maigrissent.

This pun has puzzled many people, for the point seems so lame (see André Gervais’s La raie alitée d’effets, p. 41 et seq.) In translation, the statement says “If you want a rule of grammar: the verb accords with the subject consonantly: for example, the Negro embitters, the Negresses become embittered and get thin.” So what’s the big deal about consonance? Yes, when you feminize and pluralize the word for a single black male (nègre), obtaining négresses, then the near rhyme with the appended verb is preserved: nègre and aigritchanges to négresses and s’aigrissent or maigrissent. But so what? Pluralizations of nouns and verbs often yield such consonance in both grammar and sound in French. Duchamp must have had more in mind.

But now suppose that Duchamp knows the rumors of Belle Greene’s passing –that to do so, she changed her father’s name Greener by dropping an “r” and becoming Greene, thus hoping to break the familial tie and be able to pass as a white woman. Now the pun achieves a complex and truly pungent meaning (if not downright nasty for anyone who knew the full context). Take out the comma and read “les négresses” as both the object of “le nègre” and as the subject for the next part. We now get for the first part: “The black male embitters the black women” — as Richard Greener did for Belle and her mother, both of whom wished to pass for white, but could not do so if the tie to Greener were known, therefore poisoning their plan. The second part then reads: “The black women become embittered and get thinner.” Even more incisive. Belle and her mother become bitter about the limitations imposed by their racial affiliation (and what a comment on the evils of the far more racist American society of the 1920’s), and they get thinner — wasting away from the bitterness perhaps, but probably also a wry comment on their strategy of distancing themselves from Greener by dropping the final “r” from their name to achieve a new, and literally thinner, identity.

So far so good. This part seems sound to me. Let me now be a bit more conjectural about the first line. (If even some of this speculation holds, then Duchamp’s pun becomes truly deep and almost diabolical). “Une règle de grammaire.” Yes, a grammatical rule but also, with almost the same pronunciation, “une règle de grandmère” — or “grandmother’s rule,” perhaps a statement on the ineluctability of racial heritage. We then continue: “le verbe s’accorde…” “Verbe” is a near homonym of “vert,” meaning “green” in French. Even more incisively, “verbe” could be a contraction for “verte Belle” or “green Belle.” “Verte Belle is a near homonym of “verbal” — so Duchamp might be indicating a “verbal accord” with the subject. The subject of the pun sentence is “Le nègre.” So green Belle, trying to pass for white, cannot escape the accord with her black father, the subject of the pun. Moreover, “nègre” just happens to be an anagram of “green”!

Now consider “s’accorde”: Inoffensively, in French, the word just means “agrees” (third person singular of the reflexive verb s’accorder, to agree or harmonize with). But, as a pun, “s’accorde” could also be “sa corde” — that is “her rope,” or metaphorically her burden. (“Corde” is masculine, so proper grammar would read “son corde,” but sexual gendering of inanimate objects should not be allowed to destroy a pun). So we now have “le verbe s’accorde,” or “green Belle, her rope.” But we can also glimpse the solution actually taken by Ms. Greene. Drop the “r” from s’accorde (as Belle dropped the “r” from her name to distance herself from her black father), — and we get “s’accode” or, punningly, “sa code.” In French, code is also masculine and should be “son code” — but the meaning could not be more incisive: her code! (Perhaps Duchamp even valued the grammatically false gendering, for the rope and the code, while grammatically masculine, apply here to a woman — so why not make them feminine)?


click to enlarge
Coffin-like Rigaud box
Illustration 13
Coffin-like Rigaud box for Un Air Embaumé
perfume (Note: Rigaud changed the box
and bottle label in later designs but
still kept the original shape of the box.)

The Un Air Embaumé Rigaud label text and box reminded Shearer of Duchamp’s emphasis on the death and mausoleum storage of art in museums, with its coffin-like box shape and the alternative reading of Embaumé as “embalmed.” (See illustration 14 the Rigaud box coffin-like appearance) Shearer offers that perhaps Duchamp wanted to preserve (as Egyptions use perfumes to embalm) Belle Greene’s lie for posterity. (29)

Gould writes more on Un Air Embaumé Rigaud punning. See text box below.

From the Bitter Negro Pun to the Beautiful Breath Bottle
Stephen Jay Gould

The case for viewing Duchamp’s Belle Haleine bottle as an ironic commentary upon his feelings for Belle Greene and her efforts, as a light-skinned African American, to pass for white gains great strength, as Bonnie Garner has shown, by linking the otherwise lame 1921 “Negro pun” to Belle Haleine. Even though uncertainty surrounds the timing of Duchamp’s signature for Rrose (with the double R) Sélavy on the box of Belle Haleine, scholars agree that Duchamp used the double R for the first time when he wrote the Negro pun. (The double R represents an important argument in Garner’s case because, in her effort to pass, Belle Greene dropped the final “r” of her famous father’s name, Richard Greener, the first African American graduate from Harvard. Note also that scholars have, for years, debated the origin and meaning of the double R, and have compiled a long list of disparate theories. Ms. Garner may now have found a much simpler and more satisfactory basic explanation).

The full case would become even stronger if we could link the 1921 pun to the 1921 bottle by more than the common subject of their final outcome. I believe that a persuasive, albeit unproven, argument can be made for such a connection.

How did Duchamp get his idea to alter a perfume bottle, and why did he choose his particular substrate for Belle Haleine? The answer may lie in Duchamp’s affinity for punning. We know that the original bottle held a brand of perfume manufactured by the Rigaud company and called Un air embaumé (literally, perfumed air). But the verb embaumer means either to perfume or to embalm (an obvious commonality of process despite the different purposes). Moreover, in French, the word air and the name of the letter “r” have exactly the same pronunciation — and we know that Duchamp loved, and frequently created, puns based on different meanings for the names and sound values of letters (with LHOOQ as a primary example, but see my general discussion in my article, in this issue on “Duchamp’s Substantial Ghost“).

Thus, “un air embaumé” becomes a perfect homonymic pun meaning either “perfumed air” (as Rigaud intended) or “an embalmed r” as I suspect Duchamp recognized.


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Rigaud

Could Duchamp have resisted such a temptation to alter the bottle for a second statement (following the Negro pun written a few months earlier) to “out” Belle Green by showing the world in concrete fashion — that is, by embalming so that it could not decay away, as Ms. Greene wished — the telltale missing r of her original name?

Moreover, and making the pun even more delicious, the verb rigolermeans “to laugh, have fun, or be joking,” and the derived adjective and noun rigo (masculine, rigote feminine) means “funny” or “odd” as an adjective, and (even more strikingly) a “wag” or a “phoney” as a noun. Rigo and the name of the perfume maker Rigaud have exactly the same pronunciation in French. So we have “an embalmed r” manufactured by a jokester or phoney. How could Duchamp not have used such a bottle to house his evil genie, a being cryptic enough not to blow Belle’s cover (for I doubt that Duchamp wished to destroy Belle, as the exposure of passing would certainly accomplish in the racist America of the time), but more than sufficient to make her squirm (though I doubt that she ever knew or suspected — or that the supremely arrogant Duchamp gave a damn whether she did or didn’t. He had made his point and achieved his personal revenge!)

In a purely technical sense, Bonnie Garner’s case remains circumstantial. But one reaches a point — achieved, I think, with the linkage of the Negro pun and the Belle Haleine bottle, and with the plethora of independent affirmations for each piece taken separately — when the cascade of independent items of confirmation, all pointing in the same direction, becomes so overwhelming that no other single explanation could possibly coordinate all the data. At this stage, we reach the style of confirmation — different from the usual mode of proof in science, but no less powerful — that William Whewell, the great 19th century British philosopher of science, called “consilience,” literally the “jumping together” of so many otherwise unconnected facts that the sole coordinating explanation becomes unavoidable. I believe that Ms. Garner has made her case by consilience, and that the burden of disproof must now lie with scholars who wish to deny the link of Belle Greene and her missing r both to the addition of the extra and initial r to Rrose Sélavy, and to the creation of Belle Haleine.

In addition, Duchamp would know Belle Greene to be caustic and hostile (“bitter” as in the pun) from both her reputation and from direct experience. Duchamp worked for Greene, although not for long. Her reputation then was for being mercurial in temper, demanding and, at times, ruthless. One man, who worked as an assistant director at the Morgan Library under Greene, said, “She (Belle) was a real tartar. You’d have to work under her to know it. (30)

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The ship Duchamp would sail on to New
York in 1915
Illustration 14
The ship Duchamp would sail on to New
York in 1915

Before Duchamp sailed for America in 1915, on April 2, he wrote to his friend, Walter Pach, “I would willingly live in New York. But only on the condition that I could earn my living there. 1st. Do you think that I could easily find a job as a librarian or something analogous that would leave me great freedom to work (Some information about me: I do not speak English […] I worked for two years at the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève as an intern)” (31)

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Marcel Duchamp
Illustration 15
Photograph of Marcel Duchamp, 1915
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

After receiving this letter, Pach arranged for his father to provide a letter of introduction to Belle Greene so that Pach could see if Greene knew of any work for Duchamp. During the spring, she reported to Pach that she was unable to find any work anywhere for Duchamp. After Duchamp arrived, in the summer of 1915, Pach brought Duchamp to the French Institute. (Illustration 14 and 15 depicting the ship Duchamp sailed on and Duchamp’s appearence in 1915)Duchamp made friends with one of the workers who told Duchamp that they thought a position might open up and that Belle Greene would be in charge. Pach had just written to Quinn (another member of the Harvard (Law) circle) to ask his advice about his (Pach) approaching Greene again, or to see if it would be better if Quinn contact her himself. Duchamp next told Pach about the news that he had just learned about a possible job opening at the French Institute. The next day, Pach wrote to Quinn with the new information and made a direct request for Quinn to appeal to Greene on behalf of Duchamp.

Quinn then wrote to Greene, who agreed to meet with Duchamp at the Morgan Library. After the first meeting, Duchamp wrote Quinn that his hopes were surpassed as Greene said she would ask the president of the French Institute for part-time work at $100 per month (the equivalent today of about $1,600). The night of their first meeting, Greene wrote to Duchamp, who later shared this letter with Quinn and was in a happy mood. The following week Greene introduced Duchamp to Hawkes, president of the French Institute. All seemed to go well. Duchamp met with Greene the next day and together they went to the French Institute where she gave him provisional work. He was told that the position was temporary, pending the decision of a committee that was scheduled to meet in one month. Duchamp started work on the 14th of November, 1915. On the 18th Hawkes wrote to Greene. On the 26th Greene wrote a short, two-paragraph letter to Hawkes with an apology for her delay in answering him. Both paragraphs are about Duchamp, stating that he was not progressing as fast or as well as she hoped or desired and she very much feared that he would not suit their purpose. She ended the letter indicating that on the following day she would definitely determine whether or not to keep Duchamp. She concluded with a statement to the effect that she would bear the expense of the ‘try-out’ with Duchamp. (32)

Six weeks later, on January 12, 1916, Duchamp was let go by Greene. She paid him $60 for each month (not the hoped-for $100). Duchamp wrote to Quinn that Greene would write to him, as she instructed him to wait until he hears from her. After two weeks passed, Duchamp wrote Quinn to say that he had “not yet heard from Belle Greene.”(33) Greene had apparently handed Duchamp a “don’t call us, we’ll call you” firing and good-bye message.

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Marcel Duchamp
Illustration 16
Photograph of Marcel Duchamp,
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

I suspect that this abrupt firing and brush-off was a humiliating experience for Duchamp. Both of his socially powerful friends, Pach and Quinn, had put great effort into securing this opportunity. Duchamp even wrote Quinn, on January 1st, that he liked the work and would write his intentions to Ms. Greene as suggested by his friend who worked there. Obviously Duchamp had a different view of himself and his work than the negative one painted by Greene in her letter to Hawkes.

Given the tone of Greene’s letter to Hawkes, it is probable that she and possibly Hawkes had the power to make the decision to hire or fire Duchamp, and it is likely that there never was a committee’s decision to wait upon, a fact that could be established by Duchamp’s contacts at the French Institute. Greene was known for her outspoken behavior and her indiscretion. Resulting rumors could only have embarrassed Duchamp further.

It is more than likely that Greene was aware of the fame around this young artist. Before beginning his work for her, Duchamp had appeared in five newspaper interviews. Since he had experienced notoriety in New York, he likely would have found Greene’s ill treatment beneath his status. After all, even his arrival in 1915 attracted the press — they were waiting for him at the dock! Young, handsome and charming, Duchamp clearly rode the wave of being the French artist of the Armory Show fame, but even so, Greene would have recognized, and been sensitive to, his lack of financial or academic substance. (34)
(See Illustration 16 of a nattily attired Duchamp in the country sometime during 1917) Greene, in her early 30s, was a liberated, independent, intelligent and beautiful woman with a focus and discrimination tuned to success. Although their art interests ran in different circles, there was overlap.Greene was a friend of Alfred Stieglitz and was invited to contribute an article to his famed magazine.
(35)
(See text box “What does 291 mean to me?” by Belle da Costa Greene, Camera Works, January 1915).

291

What does “291” mean to me? – The thrills received from Matisse, from Picasso, from Brancusi? The Rabelaisian delights of Walkowitz, the glorious topsy-turvydom of Marin or the glowing sincerity of Steichen? In vain do I try to convince myself that all of this is “291” – quite in vain – “291” is Stieglitz. I can see you rage as you read this, dear Stieglitz.

I can see that wonderful hirsute adornment of yours rise as if under the machiavellian hand of De Zayas – but you are quite helpless, you cannot apply the blue pencil – the Censor has never yet ben admitted to “291.”

Yes, Stieglitz, in spite of your “art stuff” you are It. In spite of your endless drool you are the magnet of Life.

I wish that I were able to repay you for the countless times you have so lavishly poured courage into my soul, enthusiasm into my living, and clarity into my thinking; – for the countless times I have come to you a hopeless incoherent mass, my courage like so much wet tissue paper, my mind fringed by the seeming uselessness of things, and left you an optimistic, determined and directed Endeavor.

I owe you much, Stieglitz, perhaps more than do your Satellites, for they, at least have seen the Light – they know that Rembrandt, Leonardo, Raphael, Velasquez and the other old fogies are weak, flabby and hopelessly defunct; they know that the Metropolitan Museum is but a morgue and as such should be relegated to its proper place under ground – but I, oh Stieglitz, am still groping in darkness – my eyes are still unopened – and when you are not looking, I creep back to that same Morgue, and find there, as I have at “291”, the glory you radiate.

Stieglitz – I salute you.

BELLE GREENE


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Belle Greene Bottled Green
Illustration 17
Belle Greene Bottled Green,
digital collage by Rhonda Roland
Shearer, 2000

Like Greene, Duchamp courted and was courted by the wealthy and powerful in art circles. So, each had his/her own sense of entitlement and perhaps confronting it in the other may have proved too much for both of them, or at least for Duchamp. If their personalities clashed, her criticism of his work at the Institute would be beside the point. However, what we do know is directly from letters by Greene, Quinn, Pach, and Duchamp. The bottom line resulting from the circumstances of Duchamp’s employment, strange as they may be (for example, why was Duchamp paid for his ‘trying-out period’ by Greene and not the French Institute? Moreover, why was Greene firing him at the Institute? How did she know, as soon as Duchamp began, that he would not ‘suit our purpose’? And why didn’t she want him there?), is that Duchamp was canned by Belle Greene. Perhaps my case now reveals that Duchamp, though he used restraint by not exhibiting the Belle Haleine bottle while Belle Greene was alive, had his private revenge for Belle da Costa Greene through his Belle bottle dyed green. (See Illustration 17)

 


Notes

Footnote Return 1.In November 1999, Shearer privately informed me of her unpublished discovery. See Rhonda Roland Shearer’s “Marcel Duchamp’s Impossible Bed,” part I and Part II for her general arguments about how the readymades are not readymade as Duchamp presents them or as scholars have believed. A letter that Duchamp wrote to his good friend and New York socialite Ettie Stettheimer, August 10, 1922, suggests that, on more than one occasion, he used green dye and hinted at Belle Green being connected to his Belle Haleine dye job. Duchamp writes: “a marvelous, raincoat-like, dark bottle green” . . . “I am waiting with impatience that you come to NY to show off Rrose Selavy in bottle green.” (From Ephemerides On or About Marcel Duchamp and Rrose Sélavy 1887-1968 by Jennifer Gough-Cooper and Jacques Caumont. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993.)

Footnote Return 2. Duchamp waited to exhibit the green bottle of Belle Haleine until the 1965 exhibition, Not seen &/or Less Seen of/by Marcel Duchamp/Rrose Sélavy 1904-1964 at the Cordier & Ekstrom Gallery, New York (January 14-Febuary 13, 1965). Before 1965, only the New York Dada (1921) image of Belle Haleine in red, the Boîte-en-Valise version (1941) in peach, and the Man Ray photograph of the label were exhibited.

Footnote Return 3. Tomkins, Calvin. Duchamp, A Biography. (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1996), 154-155.

Footnote Return 4. In his Marcel Duchamp: The Art of Making Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction (Ghent, Amsterdam: Ludion Press, 1999), Francis M. Naumann questions the time of the work’s signature (p. 94, note 49). In an e-mail to Thomas Girst of 2 April 2000 Naumann writes that he is now inclined to accept Duchamp’s stated version of when the work was signed. Arturo Schwarz reports in a fax to Rhonda Roland Shearer (4 April 2000) that Duchamp told him that he signed the label on the box of Belle Haleine after 1945.

Footnote Return 5. Casfield, Cass. The Incredible Pierpont Morgan, Financier & Art Collector. (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), 152. Although this statement is published, this may be part of the myth surrounding Belle Greene. In a conversation with Jean Strouse, she said she found nothing in her research to support this statement. In keeping with both Greene’s ability to develop and live with a myth (and her sense of humor), I suspect that if this “horse story” is not true, Greene might have enjoyed perpetuating or possibly originating such a prestige-evoking story of wealth.

Footnote Return 6. Chernow, Ron. The House of Morgan. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990),117.

Footnote Return 7. Samuels, Earnest. Bernard Berenson, The Making of a Legend. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 286.

Footnote Return 8. Strouse, Jean. Morgan, American Financier. (New York: Random House, 1999). This book contains a detailed and fascinating account of Belle Greene.

Footnote Return 9. Letter dated December 18, 1909. Strachey, Barbara and Jayne Samuels, eds. The Letters of Bernard Berenson and Isabella Stewart Gardner, 1887-1924. (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), 462.

Footnote Return 10. Secrest, Meryle. Being Bernard Berenson, A Biography. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979), 249.

Footnote Return 11. As per private conversation, January, 2000, Ms. Shearer relayed to me what Cleve Grey told her in a personal conversation.

Belle Greene herself was well aware of the rumors, excerpts from a letter written by Belle Greene to Bernard Berenson in 1912: “I really had to laugh at your last letter complaining of all the scandal you were hearing about me—I suppose they say everything…but what difference does it make?….I’ve come to the conclusion that I really must be grudgingly admitted the most interesting person in New York, for it is all they seem to talk about—C’est a rire—You know perfectly well BB…that I get “hipped” on some man, regularly every six months and I suppose it will be so until I die—but I get over it all so very quickly that it does not really disturb the actual current of my life at all—and BB….these men and this talk and all is so stupidly unimportant and irreverent—the only time I was really ‘scandalous’ was in your own dear company so if I guarantee that I will be really wicked only with you isn’t it alright?…” (Morgan, American Financier, Jean Strouse. page 520.)

Footnote Return 12. Strouse, Jean “The Unknown JP Morgan” in The New Yorker (March 29, 1999).

Footnote Return 13. Strouse, Jean. Morgan, American Financier, 512.

Greener wrote a series called “The White Problem” and it was published in “The Cleveland Gazette” from the “St. Joseph’s Advocate” in 1894. The title ‘The White Problem’ is magnificently provocative. In 1906, in Washington, DC, Greener spoke before the literary society of the Metropolitan AME church. An article appeared in the Cleveland Journal, subtitled ‘Former Consul Greener speaks in Washington-Russian Jew can enjoy citizenship’. It may have appeared elsewhere. In November, 1920, an article titled ‘GREENER!’ appeared in the Union Newspaper. It discusses Greener’s education (1st from Harvard) and his career. It mentions that as a “bibliophile, he stands without a peer.”

Footnote Return 14. It is interesting to note that Duchamp was a frequent guest of the Stettheimer sisters. (It is to Floriene Stettheimer that Duchamp wrote his hint of ‘Rrose in bottle green’ mentioned in note 1) along with Carl Van Vechten, and his wife, actress Fania Marinoff. The Van Vechten’s promoted black performers and writers and knew the obstacles prejudice placed before them. (In fact, he was friend as well a literary sponsors of Nella Larsen and she dedicated her acclaimed novel Passing to the Van Vechtens.) Emily Farnham. Charles Demuth, Behind a Laughing Mask University of Oklahoma Press: Norman, Oklahoma. 1971.

Footnote Return 15. Strouse, Jean. Morgan, American Financier, 512.

Footnote Return 16. To explain the why, where and when of the added ‘r’, Duchamp offers us the same explanation in Dialogues with Duchamp (New York: Da Capo Press, 1971), an interview by Pierre Cabanne, that he states in another interview with Katherine Kuh in 1949 (Katharine Kuh. The Artist’s Voice: Talks with Seventeen Artists. New York: Harper & Row, 1962). In essence, Duchamp explains that when he was about to sign Picabia’s L’Oeil Cacadylate (1921) he was inspired by the double ‘r’ in the word arrose. In addition, he said to Katharine Kuh that he, “thought it clever to begin a word, a name with two ‘r’s like two ‘ll’s in Lloyd.” To Cabanne, Duchamp ends the same story with, “All of this was word play.”

Footnote Return 17. I include Berenson in this list for a few reasons. Berenson would hold a place of special interest for Duchamp. It was through connections provided by Berenson that Duchamp’s brother, Jacques Villon got caught making forged Constables (and narrowly escaped big trouble). From 1899 to 1902, Villon was known as a “speed Constable painter.” He apparently provided forgeries for a friend, an art dealer and a man named Van Kopp. (See Simpson, Colon. Artful Partners. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1986.) Art authenticator and art historian Bernard Berenson would likely have remained a dubious character for Duchamp due to his connection to Van Kopp and his brother. (More on this subject by me in a forthcoming article.)

Berensons’s affair with Belle Greene (and their subsequent lifelong friendship) also stirred the rumor mill about Belle Greene. Berenson’s own public “act of passing” and its meaning in the context of his life and times is explored in an article by Meyer Schapiro, “Mr. Berenson’s Values,” in Encounter Magazine (January 16, 1961), which I recommend.

Footnote Return 18. Esscoffier, A. The Escoffier Cook Book. English translation by Guide Culinaire. Originally published in 1903. New York: Crown Publishers, 1973.

Footnote Return 19. Secrest, Meryle. Being Bernard Berenson, A Biography. (New York: Random House, 1979), 290.

Footnote Return 20. Schwarz, Arturo. The Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp, Volume Two. (New York: Delano Greenidge, 1997), 693.

Footnote Return 21. Strouse, Jean. Morgan, American Financier, 510.

Footnote Return 22. Casfield, Cass. The Incredible Pierpont Morgan, Financier & Art Collector, 152.

Footnote Return 23. Secrest, Meryle. Being Bernard Berenson, 290.

Footnote Return 24. Kunz, George Frederick & Charles Hugh Stevenson. The Book of the Pearl: The History, Art, Science, and Industry of the Queen of Gems. New York: Century,1908.

Footnote Return 25. A beautiful picture of Belle Greene with her pearls is featured in Jean Strouse’s article “The Unknown JP Morgan.”

Footnote Return 26. Auchincloss, Louis. J.P. Morgan. The Financier as Collector. (New York: Harry H. Arbam,1990), 19.

Footnote Return 27. Jennifer Gough-Cooper and Jacques Caumont, “Ephemerides on and about Marcel Duchamp and Rrose Sélavy,” (July 10, 1921,) in: Pontus Hulten (ed.), Marcel Duchamp: Work and Life, Cambridge: MIT, 1993.

Footnote Return 28. in: Le Philaou-Thibaou: Supplément Illustré de 391 (July 1921), n.p.

Footnote Return 29. It is interesting to note that Greene uses the phrase “the Metropolitan Museum is but a morgue” – a remark similar in nature to Duchamp’s philosophy – in a statement for Stieglitz’ Camera Works, January 1915.

Footnote Return 30. Secrest, Meryle. Being Bernard Berenson, 291.

Footnote Return 31. Naumann, Francis M. “amicalement, Marcel: Fourteen Letters from Marcel Duchamp to Walter Pach,” in: Archives of American Art Journal (vol. 29, no. 3-4, 1989, pp.36-50) p. 39.

Footnote Return 32. From the Pierpont Morgan Library Archives.

Footnote Return 33. New York Public Library, Manuscript and Archives Division: Quinn Letters. All dates and information are from letters in this archive. (Other sources for the Greene letter and Duchamp’s letter to Pach have been previously cited.)

Footnote Return 34. Senda reported to her brother Berenson that Belle said her that she did not wish to marry but if she did it would be for “money—much money.” (Bernard Berenson, The Making of a Legend, Ernest Samuels. page 119.) Apparently, Berenson was not rich enough for Belle Greene.

Footnote Return 35. Strouse, Jean. Morgan, American Financier. (New York: Random House, 1999)




Announcing the “International Online Bibliography of Dada”

The International Dada Archive at the University of Iowa Libraries is pleased to announce the availability of its online catalog, the International Online Bibliography of Dada.

With some 19,000 titles (including nearly 2,000 related to Duchamp), the online catalog currently includes about thirty percent of the titles in our card catalog. Grant funding will permit us to continue conversion of the card catalog to electronic format at a good pace through the end of June 2000.

This is the culmination of twenty years of bibliographic work at the International Dada Archive. The Archive was established in 1979 with support from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Jerome Foundation. Creation of the International Online Bibliography of Dada has been made possible by a University of Iowa Arts and Humanities Initiative Grant, and has been a collaborative project of Donna Hirst and Timothy Shipe of the University Libraries and Professor Rudolf E. Kuenzli of the Program in Comparative Literature.

The bibliography is currently a database within the University of Iowa Libraries’ online system, OASIS. The University Libraries will be migrating to a web-based catalog late this summer, at which point the IOBD will become considerably more web-friendly. In the meantime, you can access the IOBD via a telnet connection at the following url:

http://www.lib.uiowa.edu/cgi/oasis.cgi

Enter your terminal type (usually V1), hit “return” to bypass the log-on screen, enter “1” to get into OASIS, then enter “cho dada” to get into the IOBD.

For more information, see the web site of the International Dada Archive athttp://www.lib.uiowa.edu/dada/index.html.

Timothy Shipe, Curator, International Dada Archive The University of Iowa Librariestimothy-shipe@uiowa.edu

 




Delay in Delivery: A postcard sent by Duchamp in 1933


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Man Ray,Kiki, 1924arcel Duchamp à Paris,
1931
1.Man Ray,Kiki, 1924
2.Marcel Duchamp à Paris,
1931

In October 1933 Duchamp met with Nina and Wassily Kandinsky in Paris. They knew each other through Katherine Dreier who was close to both artists. Duchamp and the Kandinskys decided to send her a postcard. Dreier received the message in New York and the postcard eventually ended up in her archives which, after her death, became part of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University.

Almost sixty-five years later, in the summer of 1998, I came across the postcard among the hundreds of pages of correspondence between Dreier and Duchamp. In retrospect it’s hard to say if I found out immediately what the problem was in the image of the postcard (showing a bar-restaurant in Paris). Probably I didn’t. I made a copy that accompanied me back to Europe. Only weeks later, while concentrating on the image, it became clear to me that one of the figures in the postcard could well be Marcel Duchamp himself.

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As a matter of fact, this discovery opened a whole new perspective. There is a strong similarity between the profile of the man in the postcard and some Duchamp photographs we know from 1919-1920, showing him with a short haircut. I found out that the bar-restaurant Oasis really existed, but the problem is that the place was only founded in the late twenties. There are only two ways of dealing with this contradiction in time: whether all this is based on a remarkable coincidence or whether the postcard is the product of an extremely precise collage.


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Close-up View of the Postcard, 1933

Close-up View of the Postcard, 1933

In support for the last thesis, one could consider that the postcard must have been produced between 1928 and 1933. During this period Duchamp worked on the Green Box. This project included on the one hand the fact that he had to dig in his old boxes and on the other hand that he got involved with printing and photography.
Another consideration makes it hard to believe that we deal with a coincidence.
At one point, the bar-restaurant Oasis was owned by nobody else than Man Ray’s favorite model Kiki de Montparnasse. Billy Klüver, who wrote an extensive study on Kiki, believes that the woman in the main focus of the postcard is Kiki herself. During the Harvard symposium “Methods of Understanding in Art and Science: The Case of Duchamp and Poincaré” (November 5-7, 1999) Arturo Schwarz confirmed that, in his opinion, the two people sitting on the stools at the bar of Oasis are indeed Marcel Duchamp and Kiki de Montparnasse.

Berlin, April 2000.

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  • Man Ray, Noire
et Blanche, 1926
    Man Ray, Noire
    et Blanche
    , 1926
  • Marcel Duchamp,Tonsure, 1919
© 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,
Paris.Marcel Duchamp,Tonsure, 1919
    © 2000 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,
    Paris.
  • Man Ray, Kiki
de Montparnasse, 1922Man Ray, Kiki
    de Montparnasse
    , 1922





The Green Box Stripped Bare: Marcel Duchamp’s 1934 “Facsimiles” Yield Surprises


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Green Box, 1934
Green Box with 94 Items
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.
click to enlarge
Museum of Modern Art Lab
Museum of Modern Art Lab.

In 1934, Marcel Duchamp announced the publication of his Green Box (edition of 320 copies) in a subscription bulletin — an enormous undertaking since each box contains 94 individual items mostly supposed “facsimiles” (Duchamp’s word) of notes first written between 1911 and 1915, each printed and torn upon templates to match the borders of the scribbled originals for a total of 30,080 scraps and pages.(1)

(See illustrations 1A & 1B for The Bride Stripped Bare by her Bachelors, Even in deluxe and regular editions; illustration 1C for the Subscription Bulletin advertising the Green Box in 1934; and illustration 1D for Duchamp’s master work a.k.a. The Large Glass (1915-23) of the same title as the Green Box.) Spectators, according to Duchamp, needed to study this “Sears Roebuck-like catalogue” of notes in order to understand his major life’s work, The Large Glass (also known by the same title as the Green Box: The Bride Stripped Bare by her Bachelors, Even).

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  • Green Box, 1934
    Illustration1A
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Green Box, 1934
    Illustration 1B
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Subscription Bulletin
    Illustration 1C
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Large Glass, 1923
    Illustration 1D
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Calvin Tomkins, Duchamp’s biographer, in 1996 writes:

Duchamp had always maintained that his Glass was not just something to be looked at but “an accumulation of ideas,” in which verbal elements were at least as important as visual ones, perhaps even more so. […] As Duchamp would say in a 1959 interview, he had “tried in that big Glass to find a completely personal and new means of expression; the final product was to be a wedding of mental and visual reactions; in other words, the ideas in the Glass were more important than the actual visual realization.” Since the ideas were contained (more or less) in
the notes, their long-delayed publication would become a new chapter in the continuing saga of his unfinished, shattered, but far from defunct masterpiece.(2)

Duchamp famously boasted — and the claim has been repeated, mantra-like, in nearly all commentary and scholarship upon Duchamp — that he had exerted enormous, almost maniacal, effort to reproduce the notes exactly, down to details of paper and ink.(3)He told Michel Sanouillet in 1954, for example:

I wanted to reproduce them as accurately as possible. So I had all of these thoughts lithographed in the same ink which had been used for the originals. To find paper that was exactly the same, I had to ransack the most unlikely nooks and crannies of Paris.Then we cut out three hundred copies of each lithograph with the help of zinc patterns that I had cut out on the outlines of the original papers.(4)

Scholars have accepted Duchamp’s claims at face value, uncritically adopting Duchamp’s given words as a premise in their own “analysis.” For example, Calvin Tomkins refers to Duchamp’s “absolute fidelity to the physical appearance” of his Green Box Notes as “puzzling” since they were based upon abstract ideas.(5) Elizabeth Cowling writes in 1997; “Duchamp adopted the most time consuming and meticulous methods,scouring the specialist suppliers in Paris for papers that were exactly like those on which he had originally made his notes, and for lithographic inks of exactly the same color as the inks,etc. he had used.”(6) And David Joselit writes in 1998: “Duchamp took extraordinary pains to mass-produce what is generally assumed to be unique or original — the artist’s cognitive process. It was not enough to publish transcripts of his texts. Rather he sought to reproduce as precisely as possible each torn piece of paper, each different ink, so that every one of the proposed three hundred editions of the Green Box would appear to share the spontaneity, the immediacy of the original process — as though he had undertaken to mass-produce his own subjectivity discovered readymade.”(7)

Let us leave aside for now (and for later and more extensive commentary) the deliciously ironic issue of why conventional scholarship on a man so celebrated for tweaking and mocking conventionality should be so willing to accept the subject’s own statements about his intentions and procedures as a kind of holy writ — and not suspect that Duchamp might also have played games by preying upon their gullibility and hagiographical tendencies as well. In any case, we merely wish to point out here that Duchamp, manifestly and purposefully, did not proceed as advertised in compiling the Green Box — and that scholars have not thought to check his claims, even though the material for so doing (comparison of the original and reproduced notes) has always been available.


click to enlarge

Green Box Note

Illustration 2A
© 1999 Succession Marcel
Duchamp, ARS,N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
Green Box Note
Illustration 2B
© 1999 Succession Marcel
Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris




click to enlarge

Green Box Note
Illustration 3A
© 1999 Succession Marcel
Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris .
Green Box Note
Illustration 3B
© 1999 Succession Marcel
Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

Most of the original notes remained with Duchamp and were not accessible to scholars during his life. But they then passed to his estate, and thence to the Centre Georges Pompidou (Paris), where they are now freely available for scholarly study. Moreover, and more importantly,a substantial group of these notes have always been potentially available to researchers — and comparisons between the originals and the Green Box so-called facsimiles could always have been made, although none ever were. Duchamp produced a special edition of 20 deluxe boxes (out of the total edition of 320), each containing one original note, along with 93 reproductions.

Several owners of the 20 Deluxe Green Boxes sold the original notes (contained within them) separately, and Shearer was able to procure one of the original notes.(8)Shearer’s note discusses a long, complex and important statement about the malic molds and sieves in the bachelor half of The Large Glass. (See illustrations 2A & 2B, Shearer’s original note and the Green Box reproduction.) She noticed immediately that neither the ink nor the paper of the original note matched the reproductions in two copies of the Green Box. The original is written in black ink, but the Green Box versions use blue ink in the lithographic reproduction. (see illustrations 3A & 3B which compare the original note’s textured paper and the reproduction’s paper) The original paper is thin, textured and warm in tone. The Green Box reproduction’s paper is much thicker, bluish in tone and smooth.If Duchamp “wanted to reproduce [the notes] as exactly as possible,” why would he replicate other Green Box notes with paper similar in texture to Shearer’s original note, but then not use this same paper in reproducing Shearer’s note? (See illustration 3C showing example of Green Box note with texture.)


click to enlarge
Green Box Note
Illustration 3C
© 1999 Succession Marcel
Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

Shearer and Gould then consulted Margaret Holben Ellis at the New York University Institute of Fine Arts, and Christopher McGlinchey and Erika Mosier at the Museum of Modern Art Conservation to learn if the difference in ink color could have resulted from a natural change through time from Duchamp’s original. Christopher McGlinchey, from his chemical analysis, identified the ink in the original note as lamp black and in the reproduction as Prussian blue. McGilnchey assures us that the lampblack ink in the original note was not ever blue (as used in the reproduction), and that the inks are truly different.(9) See illustrations 3A & 3B showing detail of Prussian blue ink in the Green Box copy and lamp black ink in the original note.) Moreover, the wove paper used by Duchamp in the Green Box could not represent the closest likeness available after scouring all the stores of Paris, because machine-laid paper much more similar (if not identical) to Duchamp’s original can still be easily obtained and was surely available when Duchamp made the Green Box.(10)(After all, he used machine-laid paper in other Green Box note reproductions.)Clearly, Duchamp intentionally altered both ink and paper to depart from the originals in his “facsimile” copies despite his claims, beginning in 1934, for faithful reproduction.


click to enlarge
Green Box Note
Illustration 5A
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
Green Box Note
Illustration 5B
© 1999 Succession Marcel
Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

We then checked further to discover whether these alterations are systematic throughout the Green Box, or merely incidental in a few notes. Shearer and Gould examined 22 original notes at the Pompidou Center and we now wish to present this preliminary report.We feel confident in stating, at this early stage of our investigation,that the differences are pervasive and systematic. Every one of the 22 notes we examined shows substantial difference between the original and the Green Box “copies.” On every note, Duchamp uses complex combinations of different papers and different inks in making the Green Boxversions.(11)Moreover, lest one think that Duchamp may simply have done the best he could with materials available, and that the differences represent “sins of omission” rather than “sins of commission” we can report conclusively that at least some of the changes were done with clear intent – for Duchamp’s own instructions remain in the original notes to prove the point. On the back of several one-sided notes, he wrote an instruction for the printer: tel recto seul – that is, “same size, right side only.” But two notes of the 22 we examined bear the “smoking gun” inscription: Ag 1/4 recto seul — that is, “enlarge by 1.25, right side only.” (See illustrations 5A & 5B, two of the notes which Duchamp selected to enlarge in reproductions.) The Green Box versions of these two notes are, indeed, 1.25 times larger than the originals.

Among further typical alterations in the 22 notes we find: the original note “laws, principles, phenomena” is written in blue ink but the Green Box version is printed in black ink, a reverse combination when compared to Duchamp’s alterations of Shearer’s original note — in black ink but “duplicated” in blue ink. In another case, he reproduced the “1912” note on graph paper with a square pattern whereas the original was on graph paper with a rectangular pattern. However, in the “chute d’éau” note, the original is not on graph paper, yet the Green Box version is printed on square patterned graph paper.(12)


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Green Box Note

Illustration 6A
© 1999 Succession
Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Pari
Green Box Note
Illustration 6B
© 1999 Succession
Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

We strongly suspect that the differences between originals and Green Box versions are systematic rather than capricious — they are surely pervasive in any case — and we shall be studying all the available notes in an attempt to understand the system. But, for now and in closing, we wish to report one other remarkable fact.(13)

Duchamp’s wry and false claims that he worked so hard in scouring Paris for the right inks and papers covers up an enormously greater (and genuine) expenditure of time that he completely failed to stress!We first learned about this remarkable feature of Duchamp’s production when Margaret Ellis noted a pin prick through a period in both Green Box versions that we used for this study– but no pinprick in the original.(See illustrations 6A & 6B, showing original note without pin prick and reproduction with pin prick.) This led us to suspect that the pinprick probably anchored a stencil that Duchamp had used to produce part of the Green Box version.

click to enlarge

Boîte-en-valise, 1934-41

Illustration 6C
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

Indeed, our study of several notes reveals that, although Duchamp always reproduced the background text by lithography when he added the words and phrases in red or blue highlight (often as they appear on the originals) he used pochoir stencils (a method he openly discussed and employed for promoting both his Boîte en Valise1934-41)and his< Eau et Gaz Box (1958)even featuring his inclusion of the actual pochoir stencils in his grand deluxe versions). (See illustration 6C for Duchamp’s Boîte; see illustration 7A for Duchamp posing with Lebel holding “pochoir stencils” sold with the grand deluxe Eau et Gaz and illustration 7B for pochoir stencil included in the grand deluxe version of Eau et Gaz.) Moreover, and more remarkably, he used two or more stencils for one color on some of the notes (to secure overlayerings as occurs in handwriting), even though the entire text of one color could have been reproduced with a single stencil. (See llustrations 8A & 8B comparing his use of two stencils for red showing overlap — similar to the results of handwriting — versus his use of one stencil for red.See also illustrations 8C & 8D which show the irregular texture of collotype lithography in one of Duchamp’s Green Box notes versus the smooth surface from a stencil that often shows varied pooling along edges upon close inspection.) (14)

Click images to enlarge

  • Duchamp posing with Lebel
    Illustration 7A
    © 1999 Succession
    Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

  • Green Box Note

    Illustration 8A
    © 1999 Succession
    Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.
  • Green Box Note
    Illustration 8B
    © 1999 Succession
    Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

  • Pochoir Stencils, 1958
    Illustration 7B
    © 1999 Succession
    Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Green Box Note
    Illustration 8C
    © 1999 Succession
    Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Green Box Note
    Illustration 8D
    © 1999 Succession
    Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

Just consider the immense amount of work required to reproduce 320 copies of most of the 94 items in varied combinations of inks and papers that depart from the originals, often one at a time using multiple stencils. For example, Ellis and Mosier have assured us that Duchamp, as a printer with two years of professional training, would have known that he could have achieved far greater exactness in reproduction, and saved a great deal of money and even more time in what can only be regarded as meticulous and uninspiring work, by reproducing the red and blue highlights lithographically. Did he use this laborious method of stenciling to introduce inevitable and slight differences among the 320 boxes — differences that a careful observer could use to spot his methods, and to discover the inconsistencies between his actions and his explanations? Or does the hand stenciling create enough small, perceivable differences between each copy (and its original document) to force us to ask whether we encounter here a new category and strategy of reproduction — not a true “facsimile” (“to make similar”) but now a “facvarious” (“to make different”). This man never ceases to surprise us — and to instruct us about our foibles and assumptions.

P.S.

The “original plates […] used in printing the manuscript notes for
click to enlarge

Green Box Papers, ca. 1934-35

Illustration 9
© 1999 Succession
Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.
the Green Box” (as depicted in entry no. 436 in The Arturo Schwarz Duchamp Catalogue Raisonné [1998])are not printing plates according to Ellis and Mosier. We checked to see if these plates could have been the templates used by Duchamp to tear the edges of each reproduction in order to mimic the tears of the originals. Of the 23 plates only a few have the complete shape of the original note — the others would not work as successful templates for tearing the reproductions because they are, at best, only partial fragments of the entire original note’s total edge boundary. (See illustration 9 of the alleged “original printing plates” for the Green Box.)



Notes

Footnote Return 1. The following text is from the 1934 Subscription Bulletin: 300 exemplaries numérotés et signés d’un recueil de feuillets manuscrits,dessins et peintures (années 1911 à 1915) ayant servi à la composition du LA MARIÉE MISE A NU PAR SES CÉLIBATAIRES, MÊME par Marcel Duchamp Les notes manuscrites, en fac-simile rehaussé de crayon rouge et bleu, les dessins et peintures reproduits en phototypie (une planche en couleurs)sont imprimés sur papiers divers et réunis dans un emboîtage de 33 cm x 28cm. prix de l’exemplaire franco de port: France 120 francs / Étranger 150 francs Edition Rrose Sélavy 18 rue de la Paix Paris Il a été tiré 20 exemplaires (dont 10 hors commerce), signés et numérotés, sur papiers de luxe; chacune des boîtes contient, outre la reproduction en couleurs, des photographies originales et une page de manuscrit. prix de l’exemplaire franco de port: 750 francs. – Bulletin de Souscription Veuillez m’adresser ………………….. exemplaires de la boîte contenant les fac-simile et reproductions en couleurs de notes manuscrites, dessins, peintures ayant servi à la composition de LA MARIÉE MISE A NU PAR SES CÉLIBATAIRES, MÊME par Marcel Duchamp

Footnote Return 2.Calvin Tomkins, Duchamp (New York: Henry Holt, 1996), 296.

Footnote Return 3.In Marcel Duchamp’s 1st Catalogue Raisonné designed by Duchamp himself in 1959 — Henri Pierre Roché, Duchamp’s close friend and sometime partner and collaborator writes about the Green Box notes: “These are exact replicas of each document with the original colors of the inks and pencils that he used. The textures and shapes of paper are identical with the originals even in the case of scraps and torn pieces where metal masks were used.” Robert Lebel, Marcel Duchamp (New York: Grove Press, 1959). 81.

Footnote Return 4. Calvin Tomkins, Duchamp, 296.

Footnote Return 5.Ibid.

Footnote Return 6.Elizabeth Cowling in the exhibition catalogue Surrealism and After:The Gabrielle Keiller Collection (Edinburg, 1997), 161.

Footnote Return 7. David Joselit, Infinite Regress: Marcel Duchamp 1910-1941 (Cambridge:MIT Press, 1998), 85.

Footnote Return 8. This particular note is recognized by experts as an authentic Green Box note original.

Footnote Return 9.This particular note is recognized by experts as an authentic Green Box note original.

Footnote Return 10.Ellis, Mosier, and McGilnchey identified the papers as wove and machine-laid.

Footnote Return 11.For an English translation of the Green Box Notes, see Hamilton and Hamilton, The Bride Stripped Bare by her Bachelor, Even (New York: Percy Lund, Humphries and Co. Ltd,1960).

Footnote Return 12.This particular note is recognized by experts as an authentic Green Box note original.

Footnote Return 13.See Hamilton for Green Box Notes.

Footnote Return 14.Duchamp was known for his formal interest in chance systems. For example,Duchamp and his two sisters created a musical score (also included in the Green Box) with a system of randomly selected notes.




Hidden in Plain Sight: Duchamp’s 3 Standard Stoppages,More Truly a “Stoppage” (An Invisible Mending) Than We Ever Realized


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3 Standard Stoppages
Marcel Duchamp, 3 Standard
Stoppages
, 1913-14
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Marcel Duchamp’s first box, the Box of 1914, included the seminal note that led to one of the artist’s most important works — the 3 Stoppages Étalon(or 3 Standard Stoppages): (1)

The Idea of the Fabrication
horizontal
–If a threadone meter longfalls
straight
from a height of one meter on to a horizontal plane
twisting as it pleases and creates
a new image of the unit of
length —
— 3 examples obtained more or less
similar conditions
:considered in their relation to one another
they are an approximate reconstitution of
the unit of length
The 3 standard stoppages are
the meter diminished

(See illustrations 1A & 1B, showing the 1914 Box and the 3 Standard Stoppages note.) The Green Box of 1934 includes the first paragraph of this statement and also the additional key note: “3 Standard Stops=canned chance.” (See illustrations 2A & 2B,showing The Green Box and its reproduction of the earlier note for 3 Standard Stoppages).(2)

click images to enlarge

  • Box of 1914
    Illustration 1A
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,Paris
  • 3 Standard Stoppages Note
    Illustration 1B
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,Paris
  • Green Box, 1934
    Illustration 2A
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,Paris
  • Green Box Note
    Illustration 2B
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP,Paris

Duchamp then made the object, listing the date as “1913-14” and insisting that he had followed the protocol of his note. He claimed that he had dropped three pieces of string, each exactly one meter long, each from a height of exactly one meter, and each only once, onto a canvas. He then glued each string to the canvas in the exact position of its chance fall. Photographs of the three canvas strips appear in the Box of 1914.
When working on his painting Tu m’ in 1918,Duchamp made wooden templates in the shape of each string’s pathway. (See illustrations 3A, 3B & 3C for Tu m’ and details of the Stoppages.)

Tu m', 1918
Illustration 3A
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris


Tu m', 1918
Illustration 3B
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris


Tu m', 1918
Illustration 3C
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris


click to enlarge
3 Standard Stoppages
Illustration 4
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

In the summer of 1936, as he was working on the restoration of The Large Glass, Duchamp cut each of the canvases down to its current width and glued each to a glass plate. A comparison of the 1914 photos with the current strips on glass — which are now at the Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) in New York — reveals no differences in the length or form of any of the strings. We may therefore assume that MOMA’s object represents Duchamp’s original construction.(See illustration 4 for the 3 Standard Stoppages in situ at the Museum of Modern Art.)
Calvin Tomkins describes the central importance of the 3 Standard Stoppages in Duchamp’s work and career:

Duchamp would come to look upon the stoppages as one of the key works in his development as an artist. “In itself it was not an important work of art,” he [Duchamp] said, “but for me it opened the way — the way to escape from those traditional methods of expression long associated with art. I didn’t realize at the time what I had stumbled on. When you tap something, you don’t always recognize the sound. That’s apt to come later. For me the Three Standard Stoppages was a first gesture liberating me from the past.”

(However one chooses to interpret this work and its meaning, one can only appreciate the deep and delicious irony,the provocation of thought, and the tweaking of the most literal of all conventions — for the meter was defined by the French revolutionary government in 1791 as a new and liberating device, based on the size of the earth itself [defined as 1/10,000,000 of the quadrant of the earth’s circumference measured from the North Pole through Paris to the Equator], and therefore constant, unvarying, and capable of serving all people as an absolute standard. [In fact, The International Bureau of Weights and Measures long kept, at rigidly constant temperatures to prevent change by expansion and contraction, an actual standard meter,defined as the distance between two lines etched into a bar of 90 percent platinum and 10 percent iridium]. [See illustration 5, showing the standard meter.] How lovely, in an early 20th century age that was introducing concepts of chance and higher dimensionality into the previous exactness of Newtonian physics, to tweak this rigidity by defining a new meter based on three separate infusions of chance imposed upon an object one meter long!)

click to enlarge
The Standard Meter
Illustration 5

Standard scholarship on the Standard Stoppages simply repeats Duchamp’s descriptions of his modus operandi — arguing about meanings and intentions at great length and with great erudition,but never questioning the actual mode of manufacture, or carefully examining the original object to verify Duchamp’s claims. Nonetheless, a current of doubt has crept into the literature, and into the talk of Duchamp scholars and aficionados, for a definite and interesting reason: each of Duchamp’s three strings (see figures) follows a smooth and gentle curve, with broad and limited undulations and no large “wiggles,” crossover loops or other sharp irregularities. The three pathways are, in fact, quite regular and appealing in their gradual and limited meandering.

Many people — perhaps, for the fun of it, or to feel some affinity with Duchamp, rather than from any suspicion about the master’s standard protocol — have tried dropping strings of the same apparent composition following Duchamp’s method: regular tailor’s thread, one meter long, dropped from a height of one meter. And, to put the matter succinctly, no one (at least anecdotally) has presented evidence that they have been able to replicate any of Duchamp’s gentle patterns,even once. Light string just will not fall into such a regular pattern when dropped from such a height. Try as many times as one may, the actual results always produce a pathway far more jerky and wiggly than anything obtained by Duchamp in any of his three stated attempts.

For example, a well known and oft repeated story states that Duchamp’s friends, composer John Cage, and artist William Anastasi each tried to drop string numerous times following Duchamp’s protocol, and never could match any of his patterns closely because the actual drops always exceeded the pathways of the stoppages in degrees of irregular wiggling. We do know that when Walter Hopps and Arturo Schwarz both asked Duchamp how they should make the pathways of the strings for their reproductions of the stoppages (they were having trouble replicating the pathways even by trying to lay out the string in the “right” patterns by hand because the string always jumped and wriggled in other parts as they tried to lay out one part in Duchamp’s gentle arrangement) — Duchamp advised them simply to lay out the string along and against the path of the wooden templates (residing in MOMA).(3)

 

Yet Duchamp continued to insist, vehemently and even when questioned closely (and perhaps in the light of such suspicions),that he had followed the stated protocol of dropping each string — “exactly” one meter in length — just once, and gluing it where it had landed “à son gré” (by its own will). For example,in an interview with the young Carroll Janis (who has told us that he pressed the point because he had developed similar doubts and puzzlement): (4)

 

Marcel: It could be done only once. Also I like that it could only be done once and no more. That’s like an experiment or something. I liked it very much …

 

Carroll: I wanted to ask you about the lines.Were they dropped according to the laws of chance, and the first position they fell, they were? In other words, it was strictly that one drop and it wasn’t any drop until you felt you had achieved this sort of effect?

 

Marcel: No, there were three drops.

 

Carroll: Yes, I know there were three separate drops, but each was one drop?

 

Marcel: Absolutely. Also, that’s the point…

 

Carroll: Marcel, did you drop each one just once, or did you keep on dropping them?

 

Marcel: Just once, just once. Don’t recall there was any mishap.

 

We have also tried to replicate Duchamp’s smooth and gentle patterns by hundreds of frustrating drops, using all kinds of threads, including some (of much greater weight or thickness, or covered with various stiff surfaces) that one might consider more apt than Duchamp’s threads to fall in such regular patterns — different materials of cotton, silk and wool; different weights, different waxed and unwaxed surfaces; including forms of “regular tailor’s thread” (Duchamp’s words and claim) that would have been available in France, during 1913. We also never came close to replicating the smooth patterns of the stoppages. Our drops were often dramatically affected by the variety of slight differences in initial conditions. Sudden whipping air currents or the uneven timing of the opening our two thumbs (holding the thread at each end in-between the two forefingers before releasing each thread) created even more extreme wiggle patterns. The elastic construction of the thread itself (in actuality, a bundle of smaller gauge threads) creates differences in overall length (due to increases or decreases of pulling and releasing tension, which results from stretching each thread into its horizontal position in preparation for each one meter drop).(5)
Trying to establish stability and precision in the act of holding and dropping threads was maddening (and therefore hilarious) and impossible.(6)

 

We then asked conservators at MOMA, Erika Mosier,Pat Houlihan, and Christopher McGlinchey, to examine the original object,and they solved the old problem, with almost embarrassing simplicity, in a simple and direct way that any even casually suspicious scholar could have discovered at any time. Duchamp, in fact, followed a procedure quite contrary (both in actual action and implied significance with respect to the role of chance) to his stated protocol to make the original object now on display. If one turns over each of the canvases and studies the back through the glass mounts, the solution emerges clearly — and one can only laugh and say something like: “oh, so that’s what he did to get such smooth patterns.” Each of the strings begins on this obverse side, extends through a needle hole to the recto side of the display,meanders for a meter along the recto (making the path of the stoppage itself), and then goes through another needle hole back to the obverse,where it extends further for a few additional centimeters (making a much longer total thread length than Duchamp’s claim of an “exact” one meter!).(See video and illustrations 6A, 6B, 6C & 6D for recto and verso views. Also see, illustration 6E for visualization of a needle’s path through the canvas.>

click images to enlarge

  • Standard Stoppages, 1913-14
    Illustration 6A
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Standard Stoppages, 1913-14
    Illustration 6B
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • 3 Standard Stoppages, 1913-14
    Illustration 6C
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
    ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris
  • Animation
    Illustration 6D
    © 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp, ARS,
    N.Y./ADAGP, Paris


Needles path for the Stoppages
Illustration 6E

Obviously Duchamp made the pathways purposefully by sewing– that is, he sewed through the obverse, left a meter of string on the recto side, and then sewed back through to the obverse. He could then put tension on the string by holding both of the obverse ends and (along with the potential counter weight of needles)produce any pattern of his own choice on the recto side.

 

In his characteristic, instructive and playfully challenging way, Duchamp did not make his actual protocol (so contrary to his stated procedure) obvious, but he didn’t hide his workings very strictly either — as if he intended to challenge us by saying: “I have hidden this in plain sight. I have given you deliberate hints. Why don’t you be critical and look carefully, and not just believe what creative people or authoritative scholars (and docents giving public tours at MOMA) tell you.” To wit:

 

1. He could have mounted the canvases on an opaque surface, — wood, cardboard — thus making the holes for sewing through, and the extensions of string on the verso sides, invisible.But he glued the canvases on glass, so that one could see his procedures through a glass, and rather clearly.

 

2. Once one has the right hypothesis,the whole “experiment” becomes even funnier, and emerges more as a test of the chance occurrence of critical powers and human discovery than a test of the blank rules of chance within objective nature. Once one realizes what Duchamp actually did, several features of the work, previously unnoticed,point to the true procedure. For example, one can now actually see (in the visible relief impression — pressing up from the back into the rectoside) that the pathways of the extensions of the strings on the versoside (see again illustrations 6A, 6B, 6C, 6D) have been right there, and fully visible, all along, not only in the work on display at MOMA but also in Duchamp’s 300 copies of the Boîte en Valise where a miniature version of the 3 threads, their six ends (on the recto side, see illustration 7) and their faint but visible extensions (pushing up from the verso side) lie at the bottom of the box ready to be seen.(7)


click to enlarge
Miniatuer version of the 3 Standard Stoppages
Illustration 7
© 1999 Succession Marcel Duchamp,
ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

Also, importantly, Duchamp’s threads are decidedly more than a meter in length, a fact that he also leaves right before us — to be seen in both recto and verso. Moreover, one can finally understand why the string “ends” do not fray at all on the rectoside (as ordinary string always does at a cut end). These are not string ends at all, but places where a continuing string passes through a hole to the other side (see again illustrations 6A, 6B, 6C, 6D).

 

Finally, another delicious irony in closing:perhaps we can now understand the real reason behind Duchamp’s naming this piece a “stoppage,” literally an “invisible mending.” Scholars like Camfield have assumed that he meant to designate his “amending” of the meter. But what then is invisible about the effort — given the object
itself and Duchamp’s published protocol? The object, we now understand,truly, and absolutely literally, represents a genuine “invisible mending”– a pathway done by sewing, but hidden in plain sight.

 


 

Notes

 

Footnote Return 1.From the Box of 1914 at The Art Institute of Chicago; in Arturo Schwarz’ Duchamp Catalogue Raissoné (Revised edition, New York: Delano Greenidge Editions, 1997) this note is listed as Note 96.

 

Footnote Return 2.Richard Hamilton, The Bride Stripped Bare By Her Bachelors, Even(New York: Percy Lund, Humphries and Co. Ltd, 1960).

 

Footnote Return 3.We are grateful to Pat Houlihan, Associate Conservator of Sculpture at MOMA,for pointing out the visit to MOMA by Hopps and others re: their construction of 3 Standard Stoppages reproductions.

 

Footnote Return 4.From a private conversation with Carroll Janis and Rhonda Roland Shearer,1998.

 

Footnote Return 5.We used thread from varying size spools (large and small) including waxed thread loosely wrapped around 12″ flat cardboard.

 

Footnote Return 6.Box Notes (1934) but specifically ddressed the technical aspect of “early chaos theory” first developed by Henri Poincaré (who died in 1912). Poincaré stated that chance systems sensitive to small, initial conditions, like the weather or roulette, are affected by 1) air currents 2) muscle control (as in no two spins of a roulette wheel can ever be exactly controlled to be alike) and 3) gravity.(Henri Poincaré, The Foundations of Science, New York: The Science Press, 1921. See chapter,”Chance.” In the Green Box Notes, Duchamp refers to the same three initial conditions that Poincaré mentions as his examples. For his three
experiments in chance Duchamp writes:

 

Wind — for the draft pistons

 

Skill — for the holes

 

Weight — for the standard-stops

 

to be developed —

 

In a second note, Duchamp correlates the “weather” with his Bride in The Large Glass as sensitive to initial “differences” — just as Poincaré correlates the “weather” as “sensitive to small differences.” (See Poincaré,The Foundations of Science). Duchamp would have likely learned about Poincaré’s insight into chance systems from Poincaré’s popular writings.The artist Cleve Gray, translator of Duchamp’s White Box Notes, was told “many times” by Duchamp that “Poincaré was at the bottom of everything he [Duchamp] was doing” (Private conversation 1997 Rhonda Roland Shearer and Cleve Gray.)

 

(For above two notes, see Richard Hamilton, The Bride Stripped Bare By Her Bachelor, Even, New York: Edition Hansjörg Mayer, 1976.)

 

Footnote Return 7.An important topic for Duchamp, he, in fact, titled an exhibition,NOT SEEN and/or LESS SEEN of/by MARCEL DUCHAMP/RROSE SÉLAVY 1904-1964,Cordier & Ekstrom Gallery, 1965.